Institutional Isomorphism and the Development of U.S. Schools
In basic terms, the concept of isomorphism denotes the tendency toward homogenization among organizations, whereby an organizational unit is compelled to resemble others that face similar environmental conditions. Often, the compelling force behind the homogenization process lies in the need to increase an organization’s compatibility with the affecting environmental characteristics (Cardona, Pardo & Dasi, 2020). The change towards homogeneity is usually presented in the institutional context and is categorized as either coercive, mimetic or normative isomorphism based on the type of pressure involved.
Coercive isomorphism happens due to the action of formal and informal pressures from both within and outside the particular organization. Specifically, government, through its regulatory and financial agencies, exercises exclusive coercive pressures on organizations operating within its jurisdiction (Cardona, Pardo & Dasi, 2020). Additionally, organizational behaviour and structures may be influenced coercively by sets of standardized procedures, ethical codes and behavioural expectations legitimized by society.
As implied by its name, mimetic isomorphism generally refers to the tendency by organization units to mimic the goals, structures and procedures adopted by others in similar contexts. That is, organizations faced by uncertainties in their operations and strategies may opt to act from example by adopting the actions of some established players in the field or industry (Hanson, 2001). Essentially, such organizations end up having characteristics that are homogenous with their model organizations.
Normative isomorphism, on the other hand, arises from professionalization pressures arising from the legitimization of specific methods and working conditions by groups of elite professionals in the field. This group develops cognitive and legitimate foundations of occupational autonomy (often through research and experimentation), which, then, exerts some level of coercive and mimetic influences on organizations (Cardona, Pardo & Dasi, 2020). Examples of groups that can produce this kind of isomorphism include university researchers who promulgate “strategic” roles and conducts of professional or organizational behaviour.
Rury’s perception that an understanding of the development of the U.S.’s educational system and its schools can be attained through the application of the institutional isomorphism concept is quite practical. Acceptably, schools, as education-based organizational units, operate in a highly structured educational system, which makes them susceptible to various institutional pressures. In his text, Hanson (2001) observes that schools are influenced by a network of different organizations in the education industry, law institutions, various operating procedures, and a myriad of societal and cultural expectations. Indeed, a deeper, more accurate understanding of the evolution of the U.S. educational sector and its schools can be attained by analyzing its historical adjustments in response to the changing pressures from state legislatures, teacher training programs, courts, state boards of directors, other schools, content producers, federal agencies, sociopolitical and cultural entities, and professional associations (Hanson, 2001). A typical example of this approach is illustrated by Ruby (2015) in his reference to the influences of the equality movements on schools. The cumulative calls for equal access to education resulted in many changes in educational institutions’ structures and practices as legitimacy called for the inclusion of women in schools. Essentially, a clearer picture of the evolution of U.S. schools can be attained through the evaluation of different types of isomorphic pressures.
Agreeably, coercive pressures from federal and state agencies tend to have the most decisive influences on educational organizations operating within the U.S. borders. Government legislative institutions, in particular, have been found to have the most significant coercive effect on the evolution of the country’s education system and its schools. This is widely attributed to the legislative institution’s mandate to develop and pass laws that govern many key aspects of educational organizations. According to Ruby (2015), coercive isomorphism was particularly frequent during the 20th century and involved deliberate efforts to streamline educational activities to facilitate easy management of schools and the quality of services offered. Thus, an understanding of some of the historical trends within the educational system can be attained through an evaluation of the passage of major education laws through the various related amendments (Croucher & Woelert, 2016). For instance, by studying the definitions, mandates and prescriptive policy languages under the provisions of the different versions of the Higher Education Act (HEA) and Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACs), one can profile some systemic developments, such as when long-distance learning was initially incorporated as an authorized activity.
Generating a history profile of mimetic reinforcements can also aid in the understanding of the development of schools in the country. As organizational units that consistently use the element of quality as a measure of performance, schools, especially those with less experience, tend to mimic the established institutions to enhance their value and avert uncertainty risks. From this perspective, it can be asserted that experienced learning institutions often wield a mimetic influence over their lesser counterparts leading to the homogeneity of various educational aspects. A typical example of this relationship involves the proliferation of the performance-based funding programs that have driven higher learning institutions in the U.S. towards increased conformity (Croucher & Woelert, 2016). Thus, by studying the history and patterns of similar mimetic reinforcements, one can develop a basic developmental profile of the country’s education system.
Normative values as variables of institutional isomorphism can also be used to unveil crucial historical insights concerning educational trends in the country. Rury (2015) summarizes normative values as pieces of emergent “professional knowledge and practice” that may cause a change in the “normal” practice of teaching and learning, and entice widespread conformity. Here, he provides two examples in the history in which normative values served to facilitate drive institutions towards homogeneity: the introduction of uniform curricula for training teachers and administrators and the growth of related professional organizations, such as SACs and NEA. By studying the historical pattern of the normative values of the country’s education system, one can attain an understanding of the evolution of associated professional standards.
History of Women Education in the U.S.
The term woman naturally refers to either an adult female or a girl. The term woman is prescribed to refer to opposite gender to man. Biologically, women have a unique anatomy that makes them capable of childbearing and birth (Venes, 2017). Physically, women tend to have weaker and smaller features compared to their male counterparts, which often makes them susceptible to violence and discrimination in society (Venes, 2017). Historically, society has tended to limit women’s opportunities and activities by prescribing them subordinate roles to men and excluding them from important sociopolitical engagements, one of which is access to education.
The struggle for the right to education for women in America dates back to colonial times. During this period, girls were allowed to attend home-based “dame schools” alongside boys only so they could learn basic writing and reading skills to enable them to read the Bible (Madigan, 2009). Only very few girls from privileged families were allowed to proceed from the home-based schools to town schools. The reluctance to educate girls during this period was driven by the primeval colonial ideology that it was unnecessary for girls to attend school since they were destined to stay at home as wives and mothers (Madigan, 2009). As colonies continued to grow economically; however, a need for additional literacy emerged, thereby, opening doors for women involved in family-based commercial activities to seek higher education (Rury, 1984). This need resulted in the implementation of laws that supported the education of girls with tax money.
Coinciding with the establishment of the first coeducational public high schools at the turn of the 19th century was the single-gender academy or seminary movement. These institutions were primarily sponsored by the Catholic Church with the aim of providing young women with a moral, domestic and literary education (Madigan, 2009; Rury, 1984). The seminaries provided the much need opportunity for training female teachers who would take up the role of educating girls. Sustained efforts by the seminary movement yielded in the development of the first women’s colleges in the country, including Elmira Female College, Mount Holyoke Seminary and Georgia Female College (Madigan, 2009). Later affiliations with established universities, such as Columbia, Harvard and Brown, enabled women to access, in a very limited way, a quality higher education. Even then, women were treated discriminately, being subjected to constant supervision and isolation from their male counterparts (Graves, 2014; Rury, 1984). As public universities gradually extended their degree programs to include women, the majority of private universities did not. As the advocacy for women’s equal access to education took centre stage, single-gender institutions began to manifest in different states. Some of these women’s higher education institutions included Wellesley, Vassar, Radcliffe, Mount Holyoke, Bryn Mawr, and Smith, among others (Madigan, 2009). These institutions were to provide women with the necessary environment to support their specific educational needs.
Despite the development of several single-gender higher education institutions for women at the turn of the 20th century, their advancement therein was significantly hampered by ongoing gender stereotypes in secondary schools and society at large. Notably, the concept of “differentiated curriculum,” which was widespread among secondary schools, served to restrict women to specific practical skills classes with topics such as industrial education and home economics (Graves, 2014). These classes were designed to train women in cooking, sewing, and use of emergent domestic inventions. Thus, while women were allowed to attend schools, they did not engage in meaningful academic work that would prepare them for equitable access to a stable, livable wage. The basic societal assumption during the early years of the century was that women should marry at the most convenient time. The beliefs therein were that a college education would delay marriage and broaden the “delusion” that marriage should only occur between equals. Additionally, the economic hardships that characterized the early 1990s served to worsen the scope of equal access to education between men and women (Graves, 2014). Essentially, the need to justify expenses for women’s college education became widespread in society with adverse consequences for their efforts therein. For instance, a 1924 study unveiled that of the 1600 women that attained their PhD degrees, over seventy per cent were supported through scholarships, grants, and fellowships.
The passage of Title IX in 1972 came as a great relief for the women in the country, as it paved the way for them to enjoy extensive educational freedoms. The legislation made it illegal for educational institutions and society to discriminate against women in education matters such as athletics, admission processes, financial aid and career counselling (Madigan, 2009). This development saw the number of women’s enrolment in colleges cross the million mark from a paltry 85,338 in 1900. Consequently, nationwide efforts to support women’s education were intensified leading to the endorsement of the 1974 Women’s Educational Equity Act (WEEA) that sought to used funding programs to encourage the enrolment of girls in athletic, math and science programs in colleges (Madigan, 2009). Additionally, plans were implemented to train instructors on how to reduce gender bias in pedagogical and curriculum activities.
To improve women’s access to quality education further, the country’s Department of Education introduced changes to the Title IX Act that enhanced flexibility among school districts by simplifying the process of the implementing single-sex programs. According to the National Association of Single-Sex Public Schools, there were currently are over 1000 public schools in the country supporting gender-separate programs (Mitchell, 2017). The efforts, in this regard, yielded in a steady rise in women’s participation in education matters that saw a significant increase in the number of females graduating per annum. Remarkably, recent statistics indicate that women have surpassed men concerning the total number of graduates produced across the country’s colleges. For instance, educational statistics revealed that women comprised 56% of all college enrollees (Postsecondary National Policy Institute, 2020). This turnaround suggests a significant win for the country’s women.
At this point, there is a need to redirect efforts to ensure women’s education yields equal occupational opportunities as men in society. The fact that women bear up to two-thirds of the country’s student debt loan burden (Postsecondary National Policy Institute, 2020) and are likely to earn less than their male counterparts for the same job role suggests a deliberate impediment to women’s careers.