Afrocentrism: Similarities between Haile Selassie and Marcus Garvey’s Ideologies
Introduction
From the Fifteenth Century Transatlantic Slave Trade to colonialism in the nineteenth century, Africans have been victims of oppression and exploitation by outside powers. The beginning of the twentieth century was marked by a radical awakening of Africans heralded by the development of African Liberation Movements geared towards emancipating Africans from the shackles of oppression. These movements championed the restoration of Africans’ dignity following the psychological effects of slavery. The idea of Afrocentrism popularized among African descent to embrace equality and trust between Africans all over the globe.[1] This historic movement unified and bonded Africans to strengthen social, economic, and political progress for their culture. Africanism, also called Pan Africanism, was the ideology that underpinned these liberation movements. At its most basic manifestation, Pan Africanism emphasized Africans’ need to unite towards common interests and goals. This has always taken the form of a political or cultural movement.[2]
Africans formulated Afrocentrism as a philosophy and movement as a movement that sought to emancipate blacks all over the WorldWorld socially, economically, and politically. The campaign was formed to outline some of the injustices that Africans have undergone in the past. Its purpose and intent were to find a solution to the challenges that the Africans were facing and mitigate the influence that other cultures, especially the white culture, had on the Africans.[3] It was thus grounded on African beliefs concerning their history. Therefore, the proponents stressed the need to educate Africans on the importance of their beliefs and practices rather than giving other practices and beliefs superiority over their own.
There were various Africans from diverse backgrounds and origins who sought to promote the philosophy of Afrocentrism. Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie were some of the earliest prominent leaders who defended the ideology of Afrocentrism through religious movements.[4] Although these two leaders’ backgrounds were different in various ways, an examination of their liberation ideologies reveals they both espoused similar goals through their movements, personal beliefs, and social interactions, as discussed below.
Political beliefs
Marcus Garvey
Marcus Moziah Garvey was born on August 17, 1887, in Jamaica to Malcus Moziah Garvey Snr, a stonemason, and Sarah Jane Richards, a domestic worker, and a farmer.[5] Marcus was homeschooled in his father’s massive home library.[6] At the age of fourteen, Marcus left school and became a printer’s apprentice. In 1903, Marcus moved to Kingston, Jamaica, where he joined trade union activities. In 1907, he engaged in an unsuccessful Union protest, which made him develop an interest in political activism.[7] Marcus then embarked on a journey through Central America, working as a newspaper editor. This career saw him travel to London, where he enrolled in a Law and Philosophy course. During his studies, Marcus was still a vibrant writer on topics related to segregation and back nationalism.[8]
The political beliefs of Marcus Garvey can be said to have been born while staying in London and interacting with various nationalist from different races. He was able to interact with nationalists such as the Chinese Sun Yat Sen.[9] Through these interactions, he came across political and nationalistic slogans such as “India for Indians,” “Asia for Asiatic,” among others.[10] These interactions could have inspired him to think of forming an organization dedicated to uniting and addressing the plight of Africans in different parts of the WorldWorld.
The brief return to Jamaica in 1914 saw him encourage Africans in Jamaica and all over the WorldWorld to return to Africa for their emancipation. For those who were not able to go back to Africa, he sought to ensure a movement that would ensure that their grievances were met.[11] This led to the formation of “Garveyism” as a political ideology. In 1914, shortly after returning to Jamaica, Marcus Garvey formed the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) to promote racial pride and economic empowerment among Africans.[12] Before seeing the emancipation of the Africans, the movement’s main agenda was to teach Africans how they could take pride in their socio-cultural beliefs and practices. He opined that this was the first step toward their emancipation. UNIA’s influence was mainly felt in U.S Black neighborhoods after he arrived in Harlem, New York, in 1916.[13]
Based on the interactions he had, he was able to develop the ideology of Pan-Africanism. Pan Africanism was supposed to advocate for Africans’ rights and seek their unity for a common purpose. The purpose was to see the emancipation of Africans from all the continents and see their integration. Thus, this political ideology saw him develop the slogan “Africa for Africans both at home and abroad” The political thinking behind this was to see most Africans go back to Africa for their wellbeing.
Haile Selassie
Tafari Makonnen, alias Haile Selassie, was born to Ras Makonnen in July 1892. Ras Makonnen was the cousin and a close friend to Emperor Menelik II. Upon Baptism, Tafari was named Lij Tafari. People believed that he was a direct descendant of Queen Sheba and King Solomon, Ancient rulers in the Bible. Tafari acquired his education through homeschooling by private European tutors.[14]
Tafari spent his early years in the court of emperor Menelik II and was always surrounded by constant political plots.[15] It is during this period when he learned about power-related issues in Ethiopia. Based on his capabilities and intellect, Tafari was rewarded by being appointed as the governor of Gara Muleta in the province of Hara at the age of 14. Later, when he turned 20, he was appointed as the commander of the province of Sidamo.[16]
After emperors Menelik’s death in 1913, Lij Yasu, his grandson, was appointed to succeed him. It is worth noting that Ethiopia’s government system was under a native ruler and was hereditary in nature.[17] However, since Lii Yasu was a Muslim, he was alienated from the Christian leaders, paving Tafari’s way to claim the throne after forming an opposition movement and teaming up with church leaders.[18] It is also during this period when people named him Haile Selassie. Overthrowing Menelik’s grandson did not, however, make Haile Selassie the supreme leader of Ethiopia. He was appointed as the acting ruler in the absence of Zawditu, Menelik’s daughter, who was against Haile Selassie’s ruling interests.[19] In 1926 however, Haile Selassie took control over the military, empowering him to claimed absolute power in Ethiopia.[20]His leadership was received with mixed reactions among the Ethiopians.
(Organise this paragraph)
The critical political ideology of Haile Selassie was the realization of self-rule in Africa as well as the emancipation of Africa as a continent. This was laid bare in his fierce resistance to Italy’s aggression and eventual annexation of Ethiopia in October 1935.[21] The aggressive act of Mussolini’s government was indicative of the expansionist inclinations of the Axis powers and highlighted the ineffectiveness of the league of nation. Ethiopia and Italy both being members of the League of Nations and having signed a Treaty of friendship, Mussolini needed the pretext to attack Ethiopia. [22]On December 5, 1934, a border skirmish in Ogden desert in which 21 Italians were killed and 107 Ethiopians were killed provided Mussolini with the much-desired reason to attack Ethiopia. Between 1935 and 1936, Ethiopian troops under Haille Selassie launched non-stop attacks on the Italian forces, but this proved ineffective due to the Italian forces’ superior weaponry. Haile Selassie went into exile in England. Haile Selassie made an excellent case for the respect and protection of Ethiopia’s independence and territorial integrity. On June 1, 1965, at the League of Nations meeting, he clearly articulated this position thus:
“ I declare in the face of the whole WorldWorld that the Emperor, the government and the people of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the triumph of right and respect of government. “[23]
The Italians used aerial bombardment as well as ground troops. Moreover, Mussolini’s troops used mustard gas, which had been forbidden by the League of Nations. However, with the assistance of Britain, Haile Selassie and his soldiers of Guerilla fighters were able to reclaim Ethiopia from the Italians in 1941.
After defeating Italians, the need for independent and absolute freedom for Ethiopians saw him being crowned as the Lion of Judah, which meant the one who defeated the enemies among the Ethiopians.[24] The sense of patriotism that he had implanted in the soldiers and the notion of pride that he created played a pivotal role in the Italians’ win.
The quest for unity among Africans also shows what his political beliefs were. This prompted him to champion an organization that would encourage Afrocentrism. This led to the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on May 25, 1963, by 32 independent African states with its headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[25] Haille Selassie invited these independent states together in Addis Ababa to forge unity and a common purpose. During the convection, he posited that it was his vision that the organization would last more than 1000 years to the applause of the heads of independence state in attendance.[26] The organization became operational on September 13, 1963, with the OAU charter’s coming into force. The principal objectives of the organization were set out in article 2 of the OAU Charter and include:
- Promotion of Unity among African states
- Protection of independence, territorial integrity, and sovereignty of African states.
- Eradication of Colonialism in Africa.
- Promotion of economic development among African states through coordination and harmonization of policies that promote intra African trade.
The organization sought to ensure there was the emancipation of Africans in Africa by putting in place measures and discussing ways in which Africa could achieve their collective unity and fight for their independence. OAU played a central role in the liberation of many African states by offering weapons and training to rebel groups fighting white minority rule. For example, groups such as ANC and PAC received OAU’s support in their fight against apartheid. Moreover, ZANU and ZAPU received the aid of OAU in their battle to topple the Rhodesian government.
Points of Intersection in Political Ideologies of Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie
Garvey and Salassie had differences in their approach to political actions. Garvey used the media and organization of political rallies to educate and proclaim the need for Africans to be emancipated. In this respect, Marcus Garvey founded the newspaper Negro World to promote the course of liberating Africans.[27] Garvey also founded The Black Man magazine dedicated to addressing the liberation of Africans.[28]Moreover, he leveraged his brilliant oratory skills to attract crowds to his speeches. In 1920, Marcus Garvey presided over international convection at Liberty Hall that had in attendance delegates from 25 countries. The climax of the convection was the matching through Harlem of more than 50,000 people. On the other hand, Haile Selassie’s ascension to power and prominence was through forceful means by overthrowing King Menelik’s grandson and gaining control over Ethiopia’s leadership.[29] Garvey gained prominence through his ideologies, to which most Africans could relate wherever in the WorldWorld they were while the route followed by Haile Selassie to rise to fame was through a military coup.
The move of uniting the Africans was the point of intersection shared by the two personalities. They were both able to a large extent, achieve this through different means. Haile Selassie was able to accomplish it by championing the formation of the Organization of African Unity. The idea underlying OAU’s formation was to unite African countries and forge a common and united front in addressing the problems that were bedeviling newly independent African states.[30] Moreover, OAU was also meant to help unshackle African countries that were still under the yokes of colonialism to achieve independence and self-rule.[31] It was formed to see the unity of African countries that had gained independence and help those who had not gained independence. On the other hand, Marcus Garvey realized this goal by establishing the Universal Negro Improvement Association.[32] Among other things, UNIA sought to promote a sense of African pride and promote the economic welfare of Africans. UNIA emphasized solidarity among Africans to achieve emancipation in the economic and political spheres of life.[33] This was aptly captured in their motto “Africa for the Africans, at home and abroad. Under UNIA’s auspices, Garvey formed several subsidiaries such as African Legion, African Black Cross Nurses, and businesses like Black Star Steamship Line. The association’s main agenda was, among others, to improve the living standards of the Africans worldwide, a champion for the emancipation of Africans, and ensure that there was unity among the Africans.
Full emancipation was also the final goal of these two leaders. This would mean that there would be freedom among Africans all over the WorldWorld. Through the numerous protests and the media writings that he published, Marcus Garvey was able to air the grievances of the Africans and call for the granting of rights to the Africans. His emphasis on African unity was clearly articulated in his writings and speeches. He once posited thus.
“The ends you serve that are selfish with take you no further than yourself, but he ends you serve that are for all, in common, will take you into eternity.”[34]
He also emphasized the need for African pride by succinctly capturing the spirit and confidence that Africans should possess.
“If you haven’t confidence in self, you are twice defeated in the race of life, with confidence, you have won before you have started.”[35]
Haile Selassie was also committed to seeing the emancipation of Africans. His drive and belief in African countries’ self-rule and independence inspired him to fight against Italy’s aggression. Moreover, he assumed a vanguard role in the formation of OAU to unite independent African countries to come together and address their everyday problems. Additionally, the same aimed at offering assistance to African countries that were still under colonialism to attain independence and self-rule.
Socio-Cultural and Spiritual Grounding of Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie vis-à-vis Afrocentrism
Afrocentrism as a philosophy is greatly pegged on the recognition and respect of Africans’ beliefs and cultural heritage based on their peculiar ethnic identities. Afrocentrism argues that Africans have been dominated by slavery and colonialism for a long time, leading to erosion of their socio-cultural beliefs.[36] Afrocentrism thus advocates that individuals of African descent need to develop an appreciation of traditional African civilizations. This is due to its stress on pride in the socio-cultural practices of the Africans. The philosophy emphasizes on the shift from the influence that western culture has had on the African culture.[37] The argument further goes that the adoption of the way of life of the Western World served to erode the values system and cultural heritage of Africans and that there was a need for Africans to articulate their history and values.[38] Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie as the champions of Afrocentrism in their quest for the emancipation of Africans were able to inculcate pride in the African culture in their practices. This was through the development of cultural beliefs such as Rastafarianism, Ethiopianism, and Afrocentric Christianity.
Rastafarianism and Afrocentrism
Origin
The Rastafari movement began during the 1930s in Jamaica following a prophecy by Marcus Garvey.[39] The basis of the prophecy was the suppression of African culture by European powers through slavery and colonization. In particular, enslaved Africans taken into captivity in places known as Babylon believed that their savior would come from Africa.[40] Garvey preached that Africans in Babylon should look to Africa, where a black king will be crowned.[41] The crowing of Haile Selassie subsequently followed this prophecy as the Emperor of Ethiopia. The Rastafarians saw this as a fulfillment of the prophecy by Garvey. Garvey’s statement became the foundation of Rastafarianism, and the name was borrowed from Haile Selassie’s first name.
Practices of Rastafarians
The religion is pegged on Abrahamic teachings, with the center of it being the redemption of Africans. It stresses the ritual use of marijuana and not cutting body hair. The religion thus takes pride in considering the importance of the ways of life and the traditions of Africans of not cutting hair but instead having it grow without cutting it. The religion is first believed to have originated from Jamaica and later spread to Ethiopia, where it gained roots and was promoted by Haile Selassie. Several authors have documented the origin, development, and beliefs coined by Rastafarians and Christians from Jamaica and Ethiopia.[42]
Marcus Garvey, as a proponent of Afrocentrism, is documented as one of the greatest champions in the Rastafarian religion. Garvey’s teachings that stressed on a Messiah from Africa saw a rise in popularity of Jamaica’s religious belief and later gained roots in Ethiopia.[43] As a great advocate of Rastafarianism, Marcus Garvey once posited that Babylonians should not remove the kinks from their hair but instead remove them from their brains.[44] This statement was an implicit promotion of the Rastafarians’ practice of not shaving their hair in line with traditional African beliefs. The Afrocentrism philosophy of Garvey thus made a shift from the Christian messiah to a prediction of an African messiah. Some texts have referred him as the African Moses, who predicted the birth and coronation in Ethiopia.[45] This brings the connection with the Afrocentric philosophy as it shifts from the Christian Bible’s groundings and includes African aspects in the religious beliefs of Africans.
Even though not explicitly, Haile Selassie espoused the political beliefs of Rastafarians. He also went further and embraced their faith and beliefs. For instance, in 1948, Haile Selassie donated 500 acres to develop an Ethiopian community called Shashamane.[46] The land donation aimed to provide an opportunity for Rastafarians in Ethiopia to fulfill their dream of returning to Ethiopia, which they saw as their promised land. He was able to use religion to propagate the philosophy of Afrocentricity in various ways. Through its selective application and reading of the Bible, the faith regarded him as an incarnation of Jesus Christ.[47]The religion espoused Afrocentricity components in the sense that it stressed the return of those who had been held captive in “Babylon.” According to the belief, those caught in Babylon were the Africans who were held captive as slaves on various continents. The doctrine thus called for their return to Africa, which is referred to as “Zion” by the adherents of the religion.[48] Haile Selassie was a staunch believer and supporter of the idea of liberating and empowering Africans as well as disabusing them from the belief that the western culture was superior to theirs, a central pillar of the Rastafarian faith.
Ethiopianism and Afrocentrism
Rastafarianism traces its roots from Ethiopianism, an old ideological matrix that developed around the name Ethiopia. George Albert, an authority on the history of Black Diaspora, posits that the basis of Ethiopianism is in the Bible, where the name Ethiopia carries with it a promise of liberation.[49] When this was contradistinguished with the indignities of working in plantations as slaves, the black man viewed himself in a dignified and humane light. The worth of note is that 45 references to Ethiopia re-listed in the Bible: For instance, Psalms 68:31 “Princes shall come out of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God,” Amos 9:7, Are you not as children of the Ethiopians unto me, O children of Israel? Saith the Lord. These verses and many others, birthed the religious ideology of Ethiopianism long before Rastafarianism developed as an offshoot. To be precise, Ethiopianism developed in South Africa and North America in the 19th century. In Jamaica, it had developed in the 18th century as blacks came to be introduced to the Bible.[50]
The biblical text held the story of the liberation of people working in plantations getting their liberty from Ethiopia. Ethiopianism thus held the strings of Afrocentrism by placing Africa as a continent as being equally powerful since there was the notion of liberation coming from Africa.[51] The worth of note is that Ethiopia not only represented present-day Ethiopia but the entire African continent. Most African slaves who had interacted with the Bible and witnessed the writings thus could see the need for equality or even supremacy in the African religious practices due to the reference to Ethiopia in the Bible.[52]
Marcus Garvey, also while promoting the redemption and calling for the freedom of Africans, was able to use the beliefs of Ethiopianism. This was through the encouragement of the Africans who were in diaspora and working as slaves that their salvation would come from Africa and Ethiopia, to be exact.[53] The call this was to encourage the Africans not to leave their cultural practices and beliefs but to take pride and. Ethiopianism thus reinforced the need for Afrocentricity. Haile Selassie, though, did not identify as an Ethiopianism adherent, his followers believed he was the black messiah who the Ethiopianism doctrines had referred. The two personalities, thus through Ethiopianism, stressed the linkage between the liberation of Africans from Africa and also served to increase the concept of back pride among the Africans.
Afrocentric Christianity
Religion played an integral role in shaping Afrocentricity’s social, cultural, and religious ideologies during the first half of the 20th century. Marcus Garvey used religion and particularly Christianity, to emphasize the need for Black Nationalism and motivate Africans in Jamaica to be ready for liberation.[54] He usually accompanied his speeches with biblical verses, his favorite bible verse being Psalms 68:31 “Princes shall come out of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God.” He had great respect for the Bible and openly advocated the Afrocentric version of Christianity.
This was seen in his speech “The African God,” which stressed the need to see God as black the same way Europeans saw their God as white.[55] On the other hand, Haile Selassie used religion as an essential weapon to rise to power. In particular, his ascension to being Emperor was supported by church leaders (Christians) who were displeased by the Emperor’s daughter converting to Islam. Secondly, he used religion to remain in power and influence his followers. This was as a result of the role that religion played within Ethiopia.
The introduction of Christianity to most Africans made them conversant with various religious ideologies. They were able to get them after being familiar with the sacred texts. Marcus Garvey, to ensure that he was able to reach a vast number of Africans, used religion as a tool to be able to present the concept of Afrocentrism to the Africans.[56] In one of his speeches, Garvey referenced the Bible by declaring that they should look to Africa for the crowning of a back king, who shall be the redeemer.[57] The choice of “redeemer” was apt since most of his followers could relate to it from their reading of the Bible. Religion as a tool was thus geared to play a pivotal role in Marcus Garvey’s movement. An analysis of the impact of spirituality on Marcus’s campaigns and the reaction he received while using religion during his campaigns reveals the influence of his drives. Marcus Garvey’s idea of Afrocentric religion is shown through his speeches, political, social, and cultural ideologies. These were seen in his publications such as “African Fundamentalism,” where he contended that there was a need for Africanization of various aspects of Christianity, such as the need for a black God. Randall K. Burkett, curator of the Africa American collections at Emory University, notes that during his political campaigns for liberation, Garvey used religion to emphasize his teachings, which was further backed by religious leaders.[58] The author asserts that religious leaders who were highly educated and influential in Jamaica supported the religious ideologies behind Marcus Garvey’s speeches, sermons, and editorials.[59] From his writings, one can see that religion is therefore seen as a significant and vibrant cause of political change in Jamaica that Garvey leveraged to rally Africans to agitate for political reform and liberation.
Afrocentrism and Anticolonial Championship
Afrocentrism is an ideology based on the notion that African cultural practices, beliefs, norms, and practices are just as good as those of other races. The idea was not found on the ideology that the African culture was better than different cultures but on the notion that it was as good as the other cultural practices and behaviors. The goal was to ensure that the frameworks— social, economic, or political—within which the Africans were placed were the right ones free from European culture and practices. The ideology also sought to highlight Africans’ contributions to civilization, which had always been deliberately ignored. Proponents of Afrocentrism contend that the problem with African people is that they adopted the western culture worldview, which has, in turn, invaded their lives and adversely impacted on their appreciation of their own culture and practices. As a result, Africans failed to recognize their rights and develop, lead, and utilize their lifestyles.[60] This was a result of the influence and cultural suppression that they had undergone in the past. In this respect, proponents of Afrocentrism belabored to disabuse Africans from the pervasive influence of Western culture that didn’t seek to appreciate Africans’ cultural richness.
Afrocentrism was depicted in myriad ways, including political, social, cultural, and religious ideologies. The same beliefs were manifested in the life and thinking of Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie.
Afrocentrism manifested itself in many ways, including but not limited to, cultural, social, religious, and political ideologies of people, groups, or communities. Werner Zips, author of Black Rebels: African-Caribbean Freedom Fighters, covers a section of the religious doctrines advocated by Marcus Garvey and insurgent groups that came before him. The book offers insightful literature on the Jamaican Maroons. They are portrayed as the first inspirational figures that spearheaded the struggle to emancipate Africans in the diaspora and, in particular, in Jamaica.[61] The book also aptly captures the cultural resistance spearheaded by Marcus Garvey and Bob Marley through reggae music.[62] Zips perspective is fascinating in how it tries to provide a synthetic view of the Caribbean and African-American history.
Jamaicans and the Caribbean people view Marcus as an apocalyptic icon in the historical process and play an essential part in the redemption of Africans in the diaspora. Several texts on Afrocentrism explains that Afrocentrism played an integral role in the affirmation of Africa as it enhanced the creation of new social change with African religious concepts, social, cultural, and political practices, thus forming the backbone of cultural continuity. The book, therefore, provides significant insights on Afrocentric beliefs and how it connects to Marcus Garvey.[63]
Economic Strategies
Both Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie built much of their argument for change based on how much Europeans had exploited the Africans for centuries. The economic scar of slavery and colonialism continued to disadvantage Africans at home and abroad economically so that they were more likely than not at the lower strata of the economic scale. The exploitation that had happened to Africans was one reason why Marcus Garvey stressed the need for an Afrocentric approach to various aspects of life.[64] Afrocentrism thus sought to ensure an economic system that would provide African centeredness.[65] Thus, it highlighted the need to develop an economic strategy that would ensure the past economic injustices that had been meted against Africans are made right. Marcus Garvey, while addressing the Africans in most areas, focused on the need for self-reliance.[66] He opined that since most of the economic activities that took place were mainly done for the white people’s benefit, self-reliance would ensure that the benefits that would accrue from economic activities would benefit the Africans.[67] His emphasis on Africans’ economic self-reliance sought to liberate Africans from overdependence on the economic policies and activities of the Western World that most often than not was a blatant exploitation of Africans. In this respect, he once posited thus:
“The Negro will have to build his own industry, art, sciences, literature, and culture before the world will stop to consider him.”
He further stated that self-reliance was the primary tool through which those oppressed could use for their liberation. Through autonomy, the Africans could thus develop alternative economic activities that would provide competition to the whites. He believed that through the laboring working class, much economic change and liberation could be achieved.[68] He stated that this could be achieved when there is a collective call for unity and self-reliance. His idea was Africans use their raw materials and labor to improve their industrial capacities and capabilities rather than allowing their resources (human and raw materials) to be continually exploited by whites.[69] The worth of note is that many raw materials used in white-dominant industries were mainly shipped from Africa with Africans getting very meager income from the sale of those raw materials. Moreover, Africans in the diaspora mostly worked as casual laborers for very little pay in those industries. This would thus serve as a double edge sword in the sense that it would encourage liberation and promote economic self-reliance among the Africans.
On his own part, under the auspices of the Universal Negro Improvement Association, Marcus Garvey founded a shipping company called Black Star Line and Negro Factories Association.[70] The establishment of the two companies was symbolic because it showed Africans that economic liberation was not merely pure rhetoric but a possible reality. Garvey’s shipping company, Black Star Line, was established as a means of realizing his vision of shipping willing African-Americans back to Africa to contribute to the economic and cultural development of Africa.
Though he did not take the same approach to economic empowerment as Marcus Garvey, Haile Selassie has some basic similarities. Like Garvey’s mindset, Haile Selassie, through the economic policies he was able to pass during his reign, focused on the need for an agricultural economy.[71] The agricultural economy would ensure that the country was able to produce enough for its consumption and the consumption of the African countries. This encouraged large-scale production of various farm products chief among them coffee. He also established import-substituting industries in the textile and footwear industry to help reduce the over-reliance of finished exported from the West mainly. This thus ensured that the country was not relying on any other country for the agricultural product.
There were various foreigners within Ethiopia. Most of these foreigners were interested in business. While trying to encourage the economic empowerment of the Ethiopians, Haile Selassie forced the foreigners into partnering with the Ethiopians.[72] This was to ensure that even though the foreigners were within the country, the economic empowerment of Africans in Ethiopia would remain paramount. The partnership would ensure that the control of the financial activities continued with the Ethiopians, thus economic improvement of their lives.[73]
At the continental front, Haile Selassie, a pivotal role in the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), was critical in promoting African countries’ economic self-reliance. One of the main objectives of OAU was to intensify and coordinate cooperation for development. Moreover, OAU also founded the African Development Bank to finance development projects across Africa to promote economic growth and, consequently, self-reliance.
Both men were keen on the economic empowerment of Africans. They had understood the need to empower the Africans economically as a method of promoting Afrocentrism. This would ensure that there was not strict reliance on the Europeans. Marcus thus used the policy of self-reliance as a means of economic emancipation of the blacks. At the same time, Haile was able to various means to ensure that blacks’ economic empowerment was held paramount.
Criticism against Marcus Garvey Haile Selassie
Like any other famous historical figure that left an indelible mark in the World, Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie have faced a fair criticism from opponents of their ideologies. However, these criticisms have not been without rebuttals from their admirers. Some people saw the two leaders as merchants of division and inter-race enmity. Some of these criticisms and counter-criticism are discussed below.
As provided by Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie, the concept of Afrocentrism has been put through lenses of criticism in analyzing them as black nationalists and as a “back to Africa Utopianism.”[74] Lewis views Garvey as an anti-colonialist champion. Garvey’s general contribution to society and his struggle against American imperialism and European colonization were disruptive forces that started to antagonize the races. His vision for Africans in the diaspora to go back to Africa to promote their native land’s economic development was seen as divisive. His separatist philosophy was seen as divisive by both Black and White leaders who opposed his racial separation views. Prominent black leaders like W.E.B Du Bois once opined that Marcus Garvey was “the most dangerous enemy of the Negro Race in America.”[75] Stubborn in his separatist ideology Marcus Garvey supported the doctrine of the Ku Klux Klan since they were also in support of racial purity. He said the following concerning Ku Klux Khan:
“I regard the Klan, the Anglo-Saxon clubs, and White American societies, as far as the Negro is concerned, as better friends of the race than all other hypocritical whites put together.”[76]
Lewis argues that despite other arguments, Marcus Garvey’s struggle was limited to Jamaica or Africa and worldwide. This is because Marcus traveled internationally and visited several countries and continents, including the Caribbean, America, and Europe.[77] During the trips, he motivated people to join forces to combat colonialism and its effects on Africans. Some of the significant areas the author emphasizes while giving his opinion about the life and ideologies of Marcus Garvey include the attacks by newspapers and bourgeoisie, his prison life, his journeys and speeches, and his stand against racism.[78] This book is critical as it looks at the life of Marcus Garvey from different aspects, thus expounding on some of his ideologies and beliefs.
Werner Zips captures the development of the rebellion in America and the Caribbean, connecting it to the life of Marcus Garvey as one of the Pan Africanist who significantly contributed to it. In analyzing the Afrocentric ideologies of Marcus Garvey, Arthur contends that Marcus Garvey was a descendant of the Maroon – A group of a community devoted to fulfilling slaves with desires to be free from oppression from the white.[79]The author, therefore, explores the lives of the Maroons even before Marcus Garvey was born. He explains that the struggle for independence and freedom from colonization traces back to the 16th century. Throughout the history of the rebels, there is a history of resistance, and the context of marriage is well highlighted. This is connected to the ideologies and the beliefs held by Marcus Garvey. Just like the Maroons, Garvey is depicted as an inspirational figure that firmly holds traditional African cultural, religious, social, and political beliefs and, above all, possesses the knowledge and skills to liberate Diasporic Africans.[80]
Haile Selassie has also faced criticism for his lack of proactiveness in ending slavery in Ethiopia that was being orchestrated by Muslims who converted their captives to the Islam faith. The League of Nations made it a condition precedent for Haile Selassie to end slavery before Ethiopia could be admitted.[81] In 1923, Ethiopia was admitted after remarkable progress by Haile Selassie in ending slavery. However, chattel slavery was not entirely eradicated.[82]
Haile Selassie’s reign also receives criticism for being authoritarian and that he didn’t address the plight of ordinary Ethiopians who were languishing in poverty. From the 1950s onwards, he became indifferent to the struggles and suffering of his people. Thus, even though Haile Selassie espoused Afrocentrism as his ideology, his actions were opposed to his thinking.
Conclusion.
From the preceding, it is pretty clear how the two leaders helped shape Afrocentrism’s ideology in different spheres of life from social, cultural, economic, political, and religious. Their contribution to this course cannot be gainsaid.
The analysis thus presents how Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie were able to promote Afrocentrism. Even though they had a different upbringing, with one growing within reach of leadership, the other had a different upbringing in a masonry background and later publishing. These two personalities were different in how they approached the realization of Afrocentric ideologies. However, these differences were all geared towards achieving the goal of Afrocentrism. Through their different upbringing, religious beliefs, and economical approaches, they were all able to achieve the purpose of the promotion of Afrocentrism.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Garvey, Marcus. “African American Political Thought” (Speech, Second Universal Negro Improvement Association Convection, New York, August 31, 1921).
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Garvey, Marcus, Amy Jacques Garvey, and E. U. Essien-Udom. 1967. Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey, or Africa for the Africans. London: Frank Cass & Co., Ltd.133.
Kapuciski, Ryszard. “The emperor: downfall of an autocrat.” Translated by WR Brand & Katarzyna Mroczkowska-Brand. NY: New York University Press, 1983
Marley, Bob, and the Wailers. Gold. “Buffalo Soldier,” “Africa Unite,” “Exodus.” Island Records,2005. CD.
Selassie, Haile. My Life and Ethiopia’s Progress: The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie. London: Oxford University Press, 1976.
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Bay, Mia. The Historical Origins of Afrocentrism. (Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag Publishers, 2000): 87-103
Barrett, Leonard E. The Rastafarians: the dreadlocks of Jamaica. 134-167 Heinemann Educational Publishers, 1977.
Barrett, Leonard. The Rastafarians: A study in Messianic Cultism in Jamaica. 105-137 Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico: Institute of Caribbean Studies, 1968.
Barrow, Steve, and Peter Dalton. Reggae: The Rough Guide. London: Penguin Books, 1997.
Beckwith, Martha Warren. Black roadways: A study of Jamaican folklife. The University of North Carolina Press, 1929.
Burkett, Randall K. Black Redemption: Churchmen Speak for the Garvey Movement. 23-95 Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978.
Campbell, Horace. “Rastafari and the Culture of Resistance.” Race and Class 22, no. I (1980): 2-22.
Chevannes, Barry. Rastafari: Roots and Ideology. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1994
Clarke, John Henrik, ed. Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa. New York: Vintage Books, 1974.
Cronan, Edmund David. Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Press Negro Improvement Association. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955.
Carter, Shawn. “The Economic Philosophy of Marcus Garvey.” Western Journal of Black Studies (Spring 2000): 23-39
Magnini, Jeremie K. “Marcus Garvey: A Controversial Figure in the History of Pan
Dagnini Jeremie K. “Rastafari: Alternative Religion and Resistance against “White” Christianity’ Étudescaribéennes(2009)<http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/3665> accessed July 8 2020Africanism.” Journal of Pan African Studies, (Spring 2008)Dorsey, Frank E. ‘A Rhetoric of Values: An Afrocentric Analysis of Marcus Garvey’s Convention Speeches, 1921-1924. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998.
Gorham, Charles. The Lion of Judah: A life of Haile Selassie: Emperor of Ethiopia. New York: Ariel Books, 1966.
Garvey, Army J. The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey: Africa for Africans, 147-198. London: Routledge Press, 2013.
Hill, Robert R and Garvey, Marcus The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association. (California: University of California Press, 198
Hill, Robert A., and Barbara Bair, eds. Marcus Garvey, Life and Lessons: A Centennial Companion to The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987
Klopper, Dirk. “The Twice-Told Tale: Ethiopia, Race, and the Veil of Signs” 46 English in Africa 37(2019)
Lewis, Rupert. Marcus Garvey: Anti- Colonial Champion. Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1988.
Magubane, Bernard. The Ties that Bind: African-American Consciousness of Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1987.
Martin, Tony, ed. African Fundamentalism: A Literary and Cultural Anthology of Garvey’s Harlem Renaissance. Dover, MA: Majority Press, 1991.
Markakis, Jay. The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I: “My Life and Ethiopia’s Progress, 1892-1937, Translated and Annotated by Edward Ullendorff London, Oxford University Press, 1976. Pp. Xxxii+ 337.\pounds 6.00.’ 16 The Journal of Modern African Studies (1978) 527
Mazama, Ashton. “The Afrocentric Paradigm: Contours and Definitions” 31 Journal of black studies (2001) 345- 387
Shipp, Sigmund C. ‘The Road Not Taken: Alternative Strategies for Black Economic Development in the United States’ 30 Journal of Economic Issues 79 (1996) 56
Shepperson, George. “Ethiopianism: Past and present.” In Christianity in tropical Africa, pp. 249-268. Routledge, 2018.
Shepperson, George. “Ethiopian and African Nationalism.” Phylon 14 (1953): 9-18.
Stein, Judith. The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986.
Vincent, Theodore G. Black Power, and the Garvey Movement. Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971.
Walker, Aswad. ‘Princes Shall Come out of Egypt: A Theological Comparison of Marcus Garvey and Reverend Albert B. Cleage Jr’ Journal of Black Studies 194 (2008) 39-46
Wright Jr, Nathan. “Garveyism As A Religious Movement.” (1979): 365-367.
Zips, Werner. Black Rebels: African-Caribbean Freedom Fighters in Jamaica. Jamaica: Ian Randel Publishers, 1999.
[1] Mia Bay, ‘The Historical Origins of Afrocentrism’ (2000) 45 Amerikastudien / American Studies 501-507 <https://www.jstor.org/stable/41157604> accessed July 6, 2020.
[2] Bay, “Origins of Afrocentricism,” 515
[3] Bay, “Origins of Afrocentricism,” 505
[4] Bay, “Origins of Afrocentricism,” 505
[5] Edmund Cronan. Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Press Negro Improvement Association. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955) 67
[6] Cronan, “Black Moses) 67
[7] Cronan, “Black Moses) 67
[8] Hill, Robert A., and Barbara Bair, eds. Marcus Garvey, Life and Lessons: A Centennial Companion to The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987) 57
[9] Henrik John. ed. Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa. (New York: Vintage Books, 1974.) 78
[10] Amy Jacques Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey: Africa for the Africans (Routledge 2013) 23.
[11] Garvey, Marcus. “Address to the Second UNIA Convention, New York, August 31, 1921.” African American Political Thought
[12] Robert A Hill and Marcus Garvey, The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, Vol. VII: November 1927-August 1940 (Univ of California Press 1983) 67.
[13] Cronan Edmund D. Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Press Negro Improvement Association (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955) 56
[14] Haile Selassie. My Life and Ethiopia’s Progress: The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I. (London: Oxford University Press, 1976) 34
[15] Selassie, “My life and Ethiopia’s Progress,” 35
[16] Selassie, “My life and Ethiopia’s Progress,” 38
[17] Gorham Charles. The Lion of Judah: A life of Haile Selassie: Emperor of Ethiopia (New York: Ariel Books, 1966) 78
[18] Charles, “The Lion of Judah,” 79
[19] Charles, “The Lion of Judah,” 84
[20] Charles, “The Lion of Judah,” 79
[21] Gorham Charles. The Lion of Judah: A life of Haile Selassie: Emperor of Ethiopia. New York: Ariel Books, 1966.
[22] Charles, “The Lion of Judah,” 104
[23] Selassie, “My life and Ethiopia’s Progress,” 38
[24] Haile Selassie. My Life and Ethiopia’s Progress: The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I. Oxford University Press, 1976
[25] Selassie, “My life and Ethiopia’s Progress,” 38
[26] Selassie, “My life and Ethiopia’s Progress,” 38
[27] Hill Robert R and Marcus Garvey The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association. (California: University of California Press, 1983) 48
[28] Robert and Garvey, “The Marcus Garvey” 56
[29] Kapuscinski, Ryszard. “The emperor: the downfall of an autocrat.” Translated by WR Brand & Katarzyna Mroczkowska-Brand (New York) (1983)
[30] Ashton Mazama. ‘The Afrocentric Paradigm: Contours and Definitions’ 31 Journal of black studies (2001) 345- 387
[31] Mazama, “The Afrocentric Paradigm,” 380
[32] Clarke John H. ed. Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa. (New York Vintage Books, 1974) 89
[33] John, “Marcus Garvey,” 47
[34] Garvey, Marcus. “African American Political Thought” (Speech, Second Universal Negro Improvement Association Convection, New York, August 31, 1921).
[35] Garvey, Marcus. “If You Believe the Negro Has a Soul” (Speech, Second Universal Negro Improvement Association Convection, New York, August-May, 1922).
[36] Ashton Mazama. ‘The Afrocentric Paradigm: Contours and Definitions’ 31 Journal of black studies (2001) 345- 387
[37] Mazama, “The Afrocentric Paradigm,” 379
[38] Mazama, “The Afrocentric Paradigm,” 382
[39] Leonard Barrett. The Rastafarians: A study in Messianic Cultism in Jamaica. (Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico: Institute of Caribbean Studies, 1968)112
[40] Jeremie Dagnini K. “Rastafari: Alternative Religion and Resistance against “White” Christianity’ Études caribéennes
[41] Walker Aswad. ‘Princes Shall Come out of Egypt: A Theological Comparison of Marcus Garvey and Reverend Albert B. Cleage Jr’ Journal of Black Studies 194 (2008) 39-46
[42] Dagnigi “Rastafari”
[43] Dagnigi “Rastafari,”
[44] Barrett Leonard E. The Rastafarians: the dreadlocks of Jamaica. (London: Heinemann Educational Publishers, 1977) 89
[45] Barrett Leonard. The Rastafarians: A study in Messianic Cultism in Jamaica. (Rio Piedras, Puerto Rico: Institute of Caribbean Studies, 1968) 36
[46] Gorham Charles. The Lion of Judah: A life of Haile Selassie: Emperor of Ethiopia. (New York: Ariel Books, 1966) 45
[47] Leonard, “The Rastafarians”
[48] Campbell Horace. “Rastafari and the Culture of Resistance.” Race and Class 22, no. I (1980) 2
[49] Shepperson George. “Ethiopianism: Past and present.” In Christianity in tropical Africa (Philadelphia: Routledge Press, 2018 (249-268)
[50] Shepperson George. “Ethiopian and African Nationalism.” Phylon 14 (1953): 9-18.
[51] George, “ Ethiopianism” 270
[52] Jérémie Kroubo Dagnini, ‘Rastafari: Alternative Religion and Resistance against “White” Christianity’ [2009] Études caribéennes <http://journals.openedition.org/etudescaribeennes/3665> accessed July 8, 2020.
[53] Stein Judith. The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society. Baton Rouge (Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1986) 66
[54] Martin Tony. ed. African Fundamentalism: A Literary and Cultural Anthology of Garvey’s Harlem Renaissance. (Dover, MA: Majority Press, 1991) 70
[55] Tony, “African Fundamentalism,” 66
[56] Aswad Walker, “Princes Shall Come out of Egypt: A Theological Comparison of Marcus Garvey and Reverend Albert B. Cleage, Jr.” Journal of Black Studies 39 (2008): 13
[57] DorseyFrank E. ‘A Rhetoric of Values: An Afrocentric Analysis of Marcus Garvey’s Convention Speeches. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998) 1921-1924
[58] Hill Robert A., and Barbara Bair, eds. Marcus Garvey, Life and Lessons: A Centennial Companion to The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987) 113
[59] Robert, “Marcus Garvey, life and lessons,” 95
[60] Dorsey Frank E. ‘A Rhetoric of Values: An Afrocentric Analysis of Marcus Garvey’s Convention Speeches 1921-1924. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998) 37
[61] Zips Werner. Black Rebels: African-Caribbean Freedom Fighters in Jamaica. (Kingston: Ian Randel Publishers, 1999) 236
[62] Frank E, “ A Rhetoric of Values” 58
[63] Zips, Werner. Black Rebels: African-Caribbean Freedom Fighters in Jamaica. (Kingston: Ian Randel Publishers, 1999.
[64] Vincent Theodore G. Black Power and the Garvey Movement. (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1971)
[65] Shawn Carter, ‘The Economic Philosophy of Marcus Garvey’ 26 Western Journal of Black Studies 1, 3. (2002)
[66] Sigmund C Shipp, ‘The Road Not Taken: Alternative Strategies for Black Economic Development in the United States’ 30 Journal of Economic Issues 79, 1.(1996) 123-130
[67] Shipp, “ The Road not Taken,” 166
[68] Them Belly Full (But We Hungry),” Natty Dread (Nassau, Bahamas: Island Records, Inc., 1974).
[69] Shipp, “ The Road not Taken,” 166
[70] Shipp, “ The Road not Taken,” 166
[71] Markakis Jay. ‘The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I: “My Life and Ethiopia’s Progress,” 1892-1937, Translated and Annotated by Edward Ullendorff London, Oxford University Press, 1976. Pp. Xxxii+ 337.\pounds 6.00.’ 16 The Journal of Modern African Studies (1978) 527
[72] Jay, “The Autobiography of Haile Selassie,” 21
[73] Jay, “The Autobiography of Haile Selassie,” 21
[74] Dagnini Jeremie K. Marcus Garvey: A Controversial Figure in the History of Pan-Africanism. (California: Journal of Pan African Studies, 2008)
[75] Jeremie K, ” Garvey: Controversial figure.”
[76] Jeremie K, ” Garvey: Controversial figure.”
[77] Ama Mazama, ‘The Afrocentric Paradigm: Contours and Definitions’ 31 Journal of black studies 387, 9. (2001)
[78] Lewis Rupert. Marcus Garvey: anti-colonial champion. Karia Press, (1987).
[79] Zips, Werner. Black Rebels: African-Caribbean Freedom Fighters in Jamaica. (Kingston: Ian Randel Publishers, 1999) 59
[80] Werner, “Black Rebels,” 67
[81] Klopper Dirk. “The Twice-Told Tale: Ethiopia, Race, and the Veil of Signs” 46 English in Africa 37 (2019)
[82] Dirk, “Ethiopia, Race, and the Veil of signs” 48