Examining NATO’s impact at an individual level.
Abstract
The presence of foreign troops in local communities has always been problematic. This dissertation aims to examine, in particular, the effects of NATO troops. Founded in 1949 as a force against the aggression and influence of the Soviet Union, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was formed as part of the cooperation of the European military bases. Although the formation of the union was meant to have control of the European Union by safeguarding the boundaries, its existence and functionalities were extended beyond the original course. NATO allies have science taken a broad range of missions beyond the trans-Atlantic missions. Among the notable mission include the peace mission in Libya and Afghanistan, among others. The mission of NATO is to protect the members against any external aggression and makes sure its freedom is maintained. In 2018, NATO proved some of its efforts to contain Russia through the formation of two military commands. Besides, NATO has expanded its efforts in the containment of the military commands and the expanded efforts against warfare and terrorism activities. NATO was supposed to be a security organization. However, it is after all soldiers in foreign soil, and coexistence with the local inhabitants can often lead to certain issues. This dissertation will provide an analysis of how NATO presence affects the local communities in various aspects and whether it provides a sense of security (as the nature of the organization was supposed to be) to them.
Contents
Origin and formation of NATO.. 9
Russia’s Response has Become Stale and Ineffective. 18
Military coalitions formation. 20
Libya’s Intervention impacts. 25
Impact of NATO’s role in Afghanistan. 27
The NATO Training Mission in Iraq. 29
Trans-Atlantic strategy against China. 30
Action plan against China’s influence. 33
Establishment of a China-NATO Council 33
Establishment of a military base in the Indo-Pacific region. 33
The Gulf of Aden Anti-Piracy. 36
Bosnia and Herzegovina Intervention. 37
Introduction.
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is also known as the North Atlantic Alliance. It is an intergovernmental military alliance between thirty North American and European countries. NATO’s core mandate is to implement the North Atlantic treaty. The treaty was signed on April 4, 1949.NATO works using the collective defense system model. This means that its independent member states m agrees to defend each other in case of an external attack mutually. Located in Everett, Brussels, Belgium is NATO’S headquarter. It’s Allied Command Operations headquarters are near Mons, Belgium.
The essence of NATO was to provide security to member states. We often associate this meaning of security with the bigger picture of (Threat of) war, peace, etc. at the state level and globally. Primarily, NATO is an alliance of 28 countries that borders the North Atlantic Ocean. Among the notable members are the United States, Turkey, and Canada. It is important to note that for the successful running of the operations of the organizations, there must be adequate resources to facilitate the various missions. In this case, the United States contributes about three-fourths of the total budget of the organization.
Most of the success stories that impact the progress of NATO in executing its influence are the use of pubic intelligence. When NATO forces intervened in Libya to get rid of the tyrannical leader Muammar Qadaffi, the military intelligence were all aware that the success of that mission would not be made possible through warfare, but through ideology. The intelligence official had informed the organization that military warfare was not necessary to achieve the objectives in Libya. Instead, the strategic communications and framework for operations were critical. For the international audiences, the conveyance of NATO’s commitment was still strategic and outright in with the organization believed in towards its quests among its members and the international community as a whole. In the case of Libya, NATO used the mainstream media and the other strategic communication production to influence Qadaffi’s loyalists to cease the mass killings of the civilians and instead resort to negotiations.
Strategic communication as a whole embodies the use of public affairs and public diplomacy functions. They were designed to help the desire to communicate the relevant information and inform the public of what was needed while also maintaining credibility. Its strategies was also a mechanism to counter the emergence of China as a global power. The recent inventions and innovations that have been made by China have not gone well with the west. In this case, NATO has been at the forefront in developing ways that could deter the rapid development of China as a global power (Brzezinski, 2020). NATO members want to continue to beg the global froe that has always been known for a long time, and that is what the organization standard for. The strategy is not about moving NATO into the Chinese territory, but it is also about taking into account the general force in which China is growing. Indeed, it will quiet hard for NATO to ignore china because Beijing presents a whole spectrum of challenges to the trans-Atlantic community. The challenges posed by China can only be likened to the challenges that the Soviet Union posed to the superpowers at the time. The $14 trillion economies of Chia is an indicator that the growth is a warning, and it is predicted that it will soon surpass that of the United States (Brzezinski, 2020). However, this dissertation aims to examine this sense of security at the individual level and those communities comprised of them.
Literature review
Zapfe (2017) hypnotized three scenarios that may occur with the station of NATO troops in the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) and Poland. (1) Casualties of host nation’s citizens caused by soldiers, such as sexual assaults. (2) Demonstration of Russian-speaking minorities in those countries (back up by Russia) against NATO occupation, as there is a significant number of Russian-speaking minorities in the region that are prone to Russia and thus this group of people may perceive their presence in the territory as a threat. (3) Violent protests of locals against the alliance’s battalion occupation, as their presence can affect local inhabitants’ daily life.
Gheciu (2011, p.97) contended that “NATO’s involvement in civilian activities is inherently problematic and even counterproductive. He highlighted the following issues of NATO participation in the process of peacekeeping and state-building: The inherent western identity of NATO. “Military led development activities are driven by donors’ political interests and short-term security objectives.” NATO’s failure in peacebuilding in local communities is attributed to is lack of cultural consultation; in other words, they do not take local factors into account. Military culture, which prioritized the needs of the ones in the highest positions. Thus, when implementing policies, they are rather authoritarian, military culture of efficiency. Their way of helping local development is quick but lack sustainability. They are leading to a waste of resources that could have been better distributed in the hands of NGOs. Gheciu contends that clear separation of military and humanitarian activity as a solution. “In the same way that non-governmental organizations are not expected to take the lead in the security sector, the military should not have a role in development, as this is not their core competency” (Gheciu, 2011, p.108). Subordinate humanitarian needs to military objectives, excessive use of force, and marginalize local communities.
NATO official state “by virtue of its unique material (particularly military) capabilities, combined with knowledge and skills acquired in previous peace support operations as well as the vast knowledge possessed by its members in the area of establishing democratic institutions and protecting human rights, NATO was in a uniquely privileged position to assume a key role in peacebuilding operations” “the missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan serve as a powerful reminder that military power is necessary, even in the context of peacebuilding missions. No other international organization can be as effective in that area as NATO. But our alliance is not just about military capabilities. Today, we are demonstrating in Afghanistan as we already demonstrated in the Balkans that we could also provide substantial assistance to civilians who are trying to rebuild those war-torn countries.” “The 1995 Dayton peace agreement ended a three-year war that pitted Bosnia’s Muslim, Croat, and Serb communities against one another.”
Also, as Gehciu, Grillot et al. (2010) examined the failure of NATO in post-conflict societies. They argue that while the elimination of external threat was successful in Western Balkan countries, internal threats remain in the region. “Western Balkan countries continue to experience ethnic tensions, border disputes, immigration, and refugee concerns, poor infrastructures, a diffusion of weaponry, and significant problems associated with organized crime and corruption” (p.63). NATO’s attempt to create a community in the western Balkan has only been successful at the national level – through membership incentive and by integrating them into the Partnership for Peace program (PfP). However, “citizens in the Western Balkan region rarely interact across borders, limiting their sense of community and inhibiting the development of a sense of trust and belonging” (p.79). Moreover, according to South-East Europe Barometer in 2006, “when asked whether neighboring countries posed a real threat to peace and security in society, respondents were more likely to answer ‘something of a threat’ or ‘minor threat’ than to choose ‘no threat’” (p.80). Furthermore, NATO peacebuilding mission in the western Balkans has failed to promote communication at the individual level among the citizens of these countries. “interviews with officials and residents in the Western Balkan region indicate that very few citizens travel within their region and even fewer study abroad within their region. Visa regimes and a lack of educational opportunities in the Western Balkans prevent interaction and discourage positive engagement within the region – and the E.U. and NATO do not facilitate programs to rectify this” (p.81)
Another aspect that NATO has a significant impact on individuals is through public diplomacy. This is a more intentional way of shaping the public’s perception of the organization. Public diplomacy is a relatively new political measure used by politicians and organizations. Public diplomacy can either be used to face external audiences (foreign government and public) or internal audiences (domestic population). “Policy dialogues with members of the public are becoming more common as a result of the spread of social media” (Melissen, 2011, p.2). Welsh and Fearn (2008) contend that some governments use this form of public diplomacy not for public engagement in the policy-making but for propaganda, “to correct the misperceptions of ‘ignorant foreigners’” (p.21) and to impress the domestic audience that the government is doing the ‘right thing.’ “Public diplomacy activities are designed to publicly seek support for their own positions, values, and interests” (Babst, 2009, p.129)
According to Kemp (1999), he advocates that minimize exposure to the public has a positive impact when conducting missions. He believes the public opinion and value do not often concur with the ones of the authorities, and the local population is aware of the information that could undermine the effectiveness of the mission. On the other hand, Babst (2009, p.129) defends that “public diplomacy activities are designed to publicly seek support for their own positions, values, and interests.” At the same time, Welsh and Fearn (2008) argue that public diplomacy can mutually shape the authorities’ values as well as the audiences’ stance. “Like propaganda, public diplomacy is about ‘influence’; but unlike propaganda, in public diplomacy, influence is not necessarily a one-way street from the speaker to his or her target” (p.18). “Public diplomacy is about building shared awareness – a common understanding of an issue which a coalition can coalesce” (Welsh and Fearn, 2008, p.54). “Public diplomacy’s task is to create analytical resources, promote dialogue and build coalitions” (p.57)
Origin and formation of NATO
According to the Military researchers backdating in Thucydides in the fifth century, B.C. proposed the reason countries to meet up for the formation of security cooperation. Thucydides contended that countries adjust to discourage or do battle out of “respect, dread, and interest. Today, Global Relations and Alliance Politics researcher Tatsuya Nishida recommend that the presence of danger or unfriendly conditions necessitate the formation of a security alliance (Zapfe, 2017). According to the researcher Paul Schroeder, the formation of the alliance in the quest to maintain peace like NATO helps to restrict a danger, oblige a danger through an “agreement of restriction,” or give the incredible forces a “device of the board” over more vulnerable states. Additionally, The Origins of Alliances by Stephan Walt’s book develops Schroeder’s thoughts based on the agreement between countries. Some of the pillars include;
U-Balancing
According to this pillar, the states confronting an outer danger will be required to line up with the others to restrict states that are representing the threat.
History is loaded with instances of unions set up, either officially or casually, on the adjusting method of reasoning – additionally alluded to as ‘equalization of forces.’ Notably, Messina and Roma have adjusted in the quest to prevent an assault from the Carthage in the Punic Wars.
Bandwagoning
According to this pillar, it requires that the States confronting outer danger to align with the most grounded power-typically involving with a country that sees others as bound to win strife. A culmination of the bandwagon hypothesis is that “the more prominent a state’s total capacities, the more prominent the propensity for others to line up with it.”
The bandwagoning method of reasoning for partnership advancement can, in certain respects, be seen as a counter to the ‘adjusting’ procedure. It has a nuanced auxiliary method of reasoning for welcoming participation: the longing to be on the ‘side bound to win’ and procuring the riches of war. (Gheciu, 2011) Italy’s World War I coalitions give genuine instances of bandwagoning. Italy at first lined up with Germany since Germany was viewed as the most remarkable power in Europe, given its ongoing victories drove by Bismarck. Later in the war, Italy turned away from Germany and aligned with France, Britain, and Russia when Germany’s capacity to win was in question.
Many of the pillars involved in the making of the National Alliance Organisation they directly affect the involvement of the NATO military personnel in the community. Through the bandwagoning pillar, countries are required to associate with member countries with a high affinity to winning, this preference of association of countries leads to NATO military personal direct involvement with the community. The interaction between the NATO military personnel and the community has proved to have some impacts at the individual level and community levels.
Unfamiliar Aid
Unfamiliar aid pillar generally focuses on the probability of forming a coalition following countries involved in the war. “The more guide gave by one state to another, the more noteworthy the probability that the two will shape a coalition. The more guide, the more noteworthy command over the recipient.
Walt clarifies that according to the arrangement of contentions for partnerships shaped around the arrangement of ‘unfamiliar guide,’ the arrangement of monetary or military help can make powerful partners since it imparts great expectations, it inspires a feeling of appreciation, or because the beneficiary becomes subject to the donor. (Pagovski,2015) “Stated basically: the more guide, the more tight the subsequent union. Instances of this conduct incorporate the Soviet Union’s endeavor to purchase dedication from Cuba and Nicaragua during the Cold War and the United States’
post-WW II Marshal Plan in Europe
Infiltration
“The more prominent one state’s entrance to the political arrangement of another, the more prominent the propensity for the two to ally. “Walt characterizes this method of reasoning as the control of one state’s household political framework by another. Some propose that the Israel-U.S. relationship represents this method of reasoning for Alliance building. They contend that the Israeli hall inside the U.S. has viably finessed U.S. securities for Israel.23 Further featuring this marvel, the Turks lined up with the Germans in World War I to a limited extent due to the impact of a German official filling in as the Turkish Armed force’s auditor general. For instance, the partnership between Austria-Hungary and Italy during f. Détente – “The willful improvement of tranquil relations to lessen tensions. With the nonappearance of a mutual outer danger, the détente reason empowers two or more conventional foes to ease strains so as to advance more prominent shared was framed to keep Italy from doing battle with Austria’s partners. At its beginning, NATO was likewise observed as a way to keep the harmony between Europe’s verifiably hawkish countries. Prior to leaving this segment of the paper, it is imperative to get that NATO’s arrangement depended on four of the six reasons of partnerships – adjusting, bandwagoning, philosophy, and détente – not only one. Along these lines, when inspecting potential prospects for the alliance, one must think about the inspirations related to every one of these bases.
The impact of the establishment of the NATO organization have been experienced under the benefits and also the harmful aspect. Under the beneficial aspect and also the harmful aspect. In this section, clear insights into the impacts and effects of the NATO organization shall be discussed.
Collective security
Before the First World War, the international community operated in the system known as the balance of power system. Notably, in this system, nation-states formed short alliances on the occurrence of conflicts aimed at the preservation of a balance of power amongst the nations in the quest to preserve the status quo. Among some of the conflicts that were addressed through the use of the Alliance, The subsequent significant explanation behind making the NATO union was to stop the horrendous wars battled between European countries over the past barely any hundreds of years, most as of late as two World Wars. The last expression in NATO’s first Secretary-General, Lord Ismay’s, renowned explanation concerning NATO’s motivation,
Additionally, according to the North Atlantic treaty NATO enrolment, was aimed to settle any global debate more so in wartime. Through NATO involvement, it has helped in curbing and also averting the war. With the curbing of war, individuals and communities can enjoy a favorable environment for existence and carrying out business. To sum up the global involvement of NATO in the curbing and averting of war, it has helped restore peace and create a conducive business environment.
All through its whole 61-year presence, the alliance’s for a for political talk
also, aggregate military headway empowered Europe to appreciate an all-inclusive period of tranquil concurrence between its accomplices that had not been found in the first half of the twentieth century. It is likewise questionable that the détente set up among NATO individuals had beneficial insurance outcomes for keeping up harmony among the other non-NATO European countries by not bringing them into new debates, as had happened during earlier clashes.
Throughout the previous 20 years, NATO really ventured up its aggregate security endeavors while at the same time limiting its aggregate safeguard (discouragement) exercises. In particular, during the 1990s, the alliance led considerable commitment exercises with the previous Soviet Bloc countries. This commitment showed itself as association programs – essentially the Partnership for Peace (PfP) program – which were intended to create approaches and tenet to aid the adjustment of the recently autonomous Central and Eastern European countries that rose after the breakdown of the Soviet Union. For some European accomplices, the PfP program inevitably included political and military change plans intended to encourage promotion into the alliance. From 1992 through 2009, the products of this methodology saw most of Europe’s previous Warsaw.
Agreement countries grasp the majority rules system, with ten eventually joining NATO. Here once more, NATO’s quest for aggregate security beliefs added to the growth of the hover of serene and helpful countries and, therefore, advanced a more prominent transoceanic soundness. Additional proof of NATO’s aggregate security reason was its strategic help, used to fathom prickly policy-driven issues, for example, fringe questions among Germany and Poland and the disintegration of Czechoslovakia into two separate countries – the Czech and Slovak Republics. Shockingly, it accomplished its important aggregate security reason for keeping up the harmony between its European individuals through political talk rather than endorse bearing standards, which are ordinarily utilized by other group security associations to guarantee consistency and dependability. Truth be told, Madeleine. Albright and the 2009′ Gathering of Experts’ featured that NATO discovers incredible esteem in being an “altogether intentional association” established on the idea of agreement choice making.
Hence, to be reasonable, during the Cold War, there was little requirement for authorizing bearing guidelines; the ubiquitous Soviet danger added to making extraordinary associates of these countries. Today, in any case, given the as of late expanded volume of the troublesome manner of speaking concerning rebelliousness with trouble sharing standards and the nonappearance of a danger to mix around, the alliance is at a point where its technique for nonbinding political talk isn’t successfully alleviating pressures or filling asset holes in current activities. To reduce this test, NATO could take a page from other aggregate security unions’ play-books.
A fast review of two of the bigger aggregate security partnerships, the European Association and the United Nations, finds that the two of them have three characteristics that shield them from surrendering to gratings that originate from contending national interests and cause delayed inaction. Initially, both have world-class boards with pivoting portrayal. These gatherings can override the authority of their overall gatherings when they wind up at a stalemate. Also, the two associations consider greater part endorsement (instead of consistent) for some sorts of activities, especially managerial. What’s more, third, every association is invested with authorizing forms that can be utilized to pressure unusual part countries into consistency with rules and necessities.
Truth be told, the two associations have authorizing strategies that take into consideration the extreme expulsion of a rebellious part from the gathering’s positions in the event that it neglects to meet its particular association’s necessities. Obviously, NATO needs the forces important to guarantee consistency and push its plans ahead, which, as the alliance develops in enrolment, can hurt its ability. States that the attack of one member of the NATO is perceived as an attack on all the other members.
Zapfe (2017) hypnotized three scenarios that may occur with the station of NATO troops in the Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) and Poland. (1) Casualties of host nation’s citizens caused by soldiers, such as sexual assaults. (2) Demonstration of Russian-speaking minorities in those countries (back up by Russia) against NATO occupation, as there is a significant number of Russian-speaking minorities in the region that are prone to Russia and thus this group of people may perceive their presence in the territory as a threat. (3) Violent protests of locals against alliance’s battalion occupation, as their presence can affect local inhabitants’ daily life.
Gheciu (2011, p.97) contended that “NATO’s involvement in civilian activities is inherently problematic and even counterproductive. He highlighted the following issues of NATO participation in the process of peacekeeping and state-building: The inherent western identity of NATO. “Military led development activities are driven by donors’ political interests and short-term security objectives.” NATO’s failure in peacebuilding in local communities is attributed to is lack of cultural consultation; in other words, they do not take local factors into account. Military culture, which prioritized the needs of the highest positions; thus, when implementing policies, they are rather authoritarian, military culture of efficiency. Their way of helping local development is quick but lack sustainability. They lead to a waste of resources that could have been better distributed in the hands of NGOs. Gheciu contends that clear separation of military and humanitarian activity as a solution. According to Gheciu, similar to the non-involvement of a non-governmental organization, the same way the military should not be involved in the development role since development is not core for their competency. (Gheciu, 2011, p.108)
Like Gehciu, Grillot et al. (2010) examined the failure of NATO in post-conflict societies. They argue that while the elimination of external threat was successful in Western Balkan countries, internal threats remain. Notably, the western Balkan countries are in the continued trend of experiencing(p.63). NATO’s attempt to create a community in the western Balkan has only been successful at the national level – through membership incentive and integrating them into the Partnership for Peace program (PfP).
Moreover, according to South-East Europe Barometer in 2006, “when asked whether neighboring countries posed a real threat to peace and security in society, respondents were more likely to answer ‘something of a threat’ or ‘minor threat’ than to choose ‘no threat'” (p.80). Furthermore, NATO peacebuilding mission in the western Balkans has failed to promote communication at the individual level among the citizens of these countries. “interviews with officials and residents in the Western Balkan region indicate that very few citizens travel and even fewer study abroad within their region. Visa regimes and a lack of educational opportunities in the Western Balkans prevent interaction and discourage positive engagement within the region – and the E.U. and NATO do not facilitate programs to rectify this” (p.81)
Another aspect that NATO has a significant impact on individuals is through public diplomacy. This is a more intentional way of shaping the public’s perception of the organization. Public diplomacy is a relatively new political measure used by politicians and organizations. Public diplomacy can either be used to face external audiences (foreign government and public) or internal audiences (domestic population). “Policy dialogues with members of the public are becoming more common due to the spread of social media” (Melissen, 2011, p.2). Welsh and Fearn (2008) contend that some governments use this form of public diplomacy not for public engagement in the policy-making but propaganda, “to correct the misperceptions of ‘ignorant foreigners'” (p.21) and to impress the domestic audience that the government is doing the ‘right thing.’ “Public diplomacy activities are designed to publicly seek support for their positions, values, and interests” (Babst, 2009, p.129)
Challenges of the NATO
The Enhanced Forward Presence sending isn’t without a chance. NATO faces an even parity to guarantee all partners stay submitted. The mission’s idea is limited by trust among the coalition and a conviction that its motivation is genuine and worth battling. Inside the limits of ordinary assaults, the danger of brutality might be adequate to subvert political and military assurance. In one situation, Professor Hugh White inquiries NATO’s purpose when confronted with a constrained attack and the potential for financial and military misfortune. White inquiries, “When a solitary legion faces different divisions,” would NATO governments stand and battle? White’s decisions lay on the rationale that “it will be important to clarify why other NATO individuals” security relies upon recouping Latvia, as opposed to preventing Russia from progressing further West and South. This is a customary perspective on prevention that lies in shielding fringes and not belief systems.
White isn’t the main author to imagine this situation. One previous British general official went further and anticipated an entire scale attack of Europe. The two speculations are as unreasonable as they are troublesome to help with proof. White’s inclination towards a Cold War attitude has been deserted by a cutting-edge world centered around more noteworthy, non-regular dangers and reactions. For White, the danger of overpowering power would be adequate to subvert NATO’s quality and power an arrival to customary realpolitik.
Russia’s Response has Become Stale and Ineffective.
Russia’s certainty and confidence in Eastern Europe consistently expanded before the sending. Russia was at that point, directing half and half war in the Baltic States and has kept on focusing on the authenticity of the partnered arrangement. For instance, Russia featured that NATO is conceivably in penetrate of the 1997 Founding Act, which constrains NATO’s capacity to for all time station battle powers on Russia’s outskirts. Russia’s underlying reaction to the sending, which to many proposed an arrival to the Cold War, was to compromise a normal military development to counter NATO’s “animosity.” Despite development in military activities, this has not occurred.
Russia effectively focused the Baltic States before the beginning of the mission. With the sending of Enhanced Forward Presence battlegroups to the Baltic States, NATO has been quick to guarantee the Russian danger isn’t thought little of or overlooked. There is little uncertainty that Russia has looked after compromising, if not entirely catching, the Baltic States as a key target. The discussion around this regularly centers around NATO deflecting Russia with little thought for potential costs that Russia could look for forceful activity against NATO. The organization raised the possible expenses for Russia and constrained their political move space.
Kemp (1999) advocates that minimize exposure to the public has a positive impact when conducting missions. He believes the public opinion and value do not often concur with the ones of the authorities and the local population being aware of the information could undermine the effectiveness of the mission. On the other hand, Babst (2009, p.129) defends that “public diplomacy activities are designed to publicly seek support for their positions, values, and interests.” Simultaneously, Welsh and Fearn (2008) argue that public diplomacy can mutually shape the authorities’ values and the audiences’ stance.
The settlement expressly portrays the alliance as ideologically based, given its promise to advance freedom, the rule of law, and the vote-based system. Subsequently, from its commencement, NATO additionally assumed crafted by multilateral collusion – to advance common beliefs and interests. In its initial 40 years, the dominance of the alliance’s multilateral exercises was principally centered around building/revamping its part countries’ militaries and making them interoperable. Endeavors to advance the standards of majority rule government, singular freedom, and the standard of the law were held for fortifying these frameworks inside its participation.
Similarly, as the alliance expanded its aggregate security exercises following the Cold War, it likewise expanded its multilateral partnership exercises. The dominance of NATO’s exercises in the course of the most recent 20 years all the more legitimately upheld the job of a multilateral partnership than the two different types of military units. In particular, the Partnership performed peacekeeping tasks in the Balkans and Afghanistan, counter-theft tasks in the Gulf of Aden, counter-psychological oppression procedure on the Mediterranean Sea, just as compassionate help tasks in Pakistan what’s more, somewhere else, also commitment endeavors to advance vote based change of Europe’s previous Soviet Bloc countries. These exercises didn’t straightforwardly counter a danger to any part’s regional uprightness. Nonetheless, they promoted adherence to the standard of law and conservation of individual freedoms, in this way, supporting the improvement of more prominent steadiness for the alliance, its accomplices, and the universal network.
In the survey, NATO has formed into a mixture union that fuses the major motivations behind the three types of militant unions. Its development come about principally from four principals from Walt’s six rules: adjusts the power of the system against danger, help an ideological plan through advancing the advancement of majority rule governments; balance out Europe power through the use of a détente procedure, in the case for certain individuals, the fleeting trend with the Alliance to appreciate the help accessible inside NATO.
Military coalitions formation
Moreover, the military coalition formation through three diverse ways helps create a job at the individual level. NATO’s job is an aggregate protection coalition in peril given considering the loss of head danger. Secondly, the Alliance is as of now more feasible in its job as a multilateral coalition than as compared to the other two. Indeed, reasonably one could contend that NATO today would best be arranged as a multilateral union, seeing as a huge extent of its exercises since the downfall of the Soviet Union has chiefly bolstered this job. This perception turns out to be particularly noteworthy when seen related to the reasons for collusion disbandment.
With a comprehension of the verifiable practicality of the three sorts of military partnerships, the following stage is to recognize the common reasons for collusion disintegration, furthermore, reference those causes to NATO’s present track. To this end, history has indicated that, by and large, acknowledging one or a blend of segments from the accompanying four standards is important to make a union disband.
These causes include:
Annihilation of a Partner. At the point when the accomplices inside a union are vanquished or, in any case, stops to exist during the joining condition, a union is regularly changed. This justification marks the premier purpose behind union disintegration. The breakdown of the Axis Powers in World War II, originating from Germany’s destruction, delineates this wonder. Besides, the annulment of the Warsaw Pact in 1991 distinguishes how the breakdown of a country can flag the finish of a coalition, in any event, when no shots are fired. Accomplices’ Interests Diverge.
Moreover, the second most basic explanation behind unions to break down is the point at which the interests of partnership individuals wander to such a degree that the exercises of one part can’t go on without serious consequences by others. A good illustration is Pakistan’s withdrawal from SEATO in 1973. In their view, the wandering advantages opposite India represent at this point.
Another aspect that NATO has a significant impact on individuals is through public diplomacy. This is a more intentional way of shaping the public’s perception of the organization. Public diplomacy is a relatively new political measure used by politicians and organizations. Public diplomacy can either be used to face external audiences (foreign government and public) or internal audiences (domestic population). “Policy dialogues with members of the public are becoming more common due to the spread of social media” (Melissen, 2011, p.2). Welsh and Fearn (2008) contend that some governments use this form of public diplomacy not for public engagement in the policy-making but propaganda, “to correct the misperceptions of ‘ignorant foreigners'” (p.21) and to impress the domestic audience that the government is doing the ‘right thing.’ “Public diplomacy activities are designed to publicly seek support for their positions, values, and interests” (Babst, 2009, p.129)
The Enhanced Forward Presence sending isn’t without a chance. NATO faces an even parity to guarantee all partners stay submitted. The mission’s idea is limited by trust among the coalition and a conviction that its motivation is genuine and worth battling. Inside the limits of ordinary assaults, the danger of brutality might be adequate to subvert political and military assurance. In one situation, Professor Hugh White inquiries NATO’s purpose when confronted with a constrained attack and the potential for financial and military misfortune. White inquiries, “When a solitary legion faces different divisions,” would NATO governments stand and battle? White’s decisions lay on the rationale that “it will be important to clarify why other NATO individuals” security relies upon recouping Latvia, as opposed to preventing Russia from progressing further West and South. This is a customary perspective on prevention that lies in shielding fringes and not belief systems.
Methodology
In order to gain a better insight into the impacts of NATO’s interventions in different countries around the world, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 1,000 residents of eight different countries that have been invaded by NATO forces before. The countries include Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo, Bosnia, and Gulf of Aden. Our interviewees comprised of individuals who had lived in the said countries before and after NATO’s intervention. Surveys were used to select our target interviewee participants who belonged to the target group (natives of the named countries)
Interviews were conducted in the capital cities and towns that were hardly hit by war in affected countries. The interviews were carried out for a period of three months. Each individual was interviewed for a maximum of 3 hours. Answers were recorded by note-taking, and 930 interviews filmed with consent. The other 70 interviewees preferred not to be filmed. Questionnaires were also issued. The interviews were transcribed and coded to categorize key themes and identify patterns. Therefore, to gain a deeper understanding of the participant’s perceptions and motives, each theme was carefully analyzed.
However, during the interviews, a few drawbacks were met. For example, some participants were too emotional. Others declined to be interviewed for fear of the unknown. In the process, Counselling services were provided to the emotional participants. Confidentiality and maximum security were also provided for those who were initially afraid of testifying.
Findings
When asked about the impacts of NATO’s interventions on individuals, the respondents tended to believe that NATO’s invasion of the said countries such as Libya had done more harm than good, but agreed that NATO has the potential to bring positive impacts when carefully managed. One respondent from Libya said that it is regrettable that eight years since Colonel Gaddafi was killed, Libya has gone to the dogs contrary to their expectations. “I hate to say it, but our life was better under the previous regime,” Fayza al-Naas, a 42-year-old -Pharmacist, said during our interview. On the other hand, respondents from Afghanistan praised the NATO efforts saying that they had received humanitarian assistance thanks to the organization’s activity in their village. It is clear from the responses that NATO’s impact at the individual level is relative. However, it also worth noting that NATO has brought in more stability in the world since its formation.
Discussion
Case of Kosovo
Kosovo has been a part of Serbia since the Middle Ages, however, due to historical changes, the latest reincorporation to Serbia was with the Treaty of London in 1913. The two major ethnic groups in the region are Serbian and Albanian. Since 1989 (when Serbia was part of Yugoslavia) under the administration of Milosevic, ethnic discrimination towards Kosovo Albanians started to reveal throughout the society, such as the exclusion of them from government officials and erasing the Albanian language from the school system and media, etc., Kosovo’s autonomy status under the Yugoslavia constitution of 1974 was stripped away. In 1989 Kosovo Albanians self-proclaimed to be an independent republic within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia – later as a fully independent state after Yugoslavia’s break-up. In 1999 NATO troops intervened in support of the Kosovo War, and since then, Kosovo lived under the rule of the U.N. Nevertheless, conflicts in the territory continued between the two ethnic groups; it was not until February 17, 2008, when the parliament of Kosovo officially declared independence.
In the aftermath of the Kosovo War, NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) was in close cooperation with the U.N. Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) for state-building Kosovo. However, there was no legal status in the relationship between both actors. As a result, there was no clear outline of hierarchy, chain of command, etc., between both institutions. (Bytyci, 2015).
The first issue is that the aid delivered by NATO is seen as highly politicized. The idea of impartial delivery of aid to civilians is deemed to be skeptical and undermines the idea of the existence of independent international institutions since the donation came from the very same actor who was involved in the war in the first place. Notably, one of the NGO workers in the Serb community reported villagers asking how they are expected to trust people who all they are involved in is the bombing of their villages.
Additionally, NATO is faced with the challenge of identity. In western security institutions, it claimed NATO to be weak in its domain of peacebuilding. During this peacebuilding program, NATO activities are perceived to be illegitimate by a section set of locals. (in the case involving the Serb community) (Gheciu, 2011, p.103)”
Thirdly, the issue of the legitimacy of NATO’s military intervention in the first place is still globally debated, hence the legitimacy of Kosovo independence. As a result, Kosovo citizens often face international recognition when traveling abroad as their identity is internationally contested. “So far, some 115 members of the United Nations (U.N.) have recognized its independence” (Krasniqi, G. 2019, p. 303) (the number is constantly changing as new recognitions are given, but some recognitions are withdrawn). Kosovo passport has been ranked 99th out of 107 rankings in Henley & Partner’s passport index for 2020. Countries that refuse entry to Kosovo passport holders include Serbia (although Kosovans can enter Serbia with Kosovo ID cards), Russia (only in special cases and to participate in international sporting events), India, Cuba, etc. Kosovo is the only Balkan state where its citizens need a Schengen visa to enter Schengen are.
Despite the ethnic Serbs resident in Kosovo have the right to a Serbian passport, the type of passport issued to this group of Serb is not entitled to the visa-free regime of the standard Serbian passport.
Libya’s Intervention impacts
Libya Civil War erupted in 2011 during Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Violence between violent protestors and the Libyan government escalated, forcing the passage of the National Security Council Resolution 1973 on March 17, 2011, calling for a ceasefire. This authorized military action to protect civilians. As a result, a coalition that comprised of NATO members began to enforce a no flying zone over Libya. Operation Harmattan, on March 19, 2011, was the first one to be launched.
Later on, March 20, 2011, NATO states enforced an arms embargo against Libya. Operation Unified Protector was launched using ships and submarines from member states. Their role included monitoring, report and interdict (when necessary) vessels suspected to be carrying arms. The death of Colonel Gaddafi marked the end of NATO’s mission in Libya in October 2011. The Human Rights Watch report of May 2012 indicates that at least 72 civilians died as a result of the operation.
The aftermath of NATO’s intervention on Libya’s Civil war has been marked by gross negative impacts on an individual’s life. Nine years since Colonel Gaddafi was killed, Libya has slowly turned into a chaos wrecked country. Libya’s economy has fallen. The country is fragmented without a government. Recurrent attacks and bombings are the order of the day. Continuous clashes, to name but a few, are a result of NATO’s invasion in 2011. Libya was ranked 53rd out of 163 countries in the U.N.’s Human Development Index in 2010, according to the United Nations Development Program(UNDP). Before Colonel Gaddafi’s murder, Libya boasted of having a literacy level of 88.4% thanks to his leadership.
To begin with, NATO’s intervention of the Libya Civil War made the situation worse than it was during Gaddafi’s time as it led to political instability in the country. After Gaddafi’s death, the country was left in political limbo. Although at some point Libya was considered to be a success story of the Arab spring after holding elections in June 2012, the events later turned upside down. This resulted in the 2014 political crisis. The June 2012 elections recorded a 62% turn out (thus heralded as a triumph), but the election took place under tense conditions. The extreme federalist from the East boycotted the elections. Tensions within the NTC at some point boiled into clashes in Benghazi. Libya has never been the same since then. The situation got worse in mid-2014, forcing foreign diplomats to be withdrawn from Libya. In June 2014, the national election results for the House of Representatives were rejected by the coalition government in Tripoli, who had been initially elected and backed by militias. The Tripoli airport was also taken over by Libya Dawn, a group based in Misrata. With the kind of political instability being witnessed in Libya at the moment, the life of its citizens has been negatively impacted.
Moreover, NATO’s intervention in the Libyan Civil War and its withdrawal later crippled Libya’s economy. The citizens are currently living below the poverty line, unlike during Gaddafi’s time. People have lost their jobs; businesses are unable to thrive well due to gross insecurity witnessed all over the country. This is despite the fact that Libya was one of the most successful countries, thanks to its vast oil fields. After the murder of Gaddafi, the country was divided into faction rival groups that have contributed to the destruction of the oil fields. There exist multiple armed groups competing for power and control of the country’s resources. As a result, the country’s GDP has fallen, and the economy hit hard. This has translated into increased poverty levels in the country.
Besides, NATO’s invasion of Libya and its later withdrawal contributed to current Libya’s gross insecurity. After defeating Gaddafi’s government, militia groups became the only functional security apparatus. This was cemented by the decision to put the militia groups on the interim government’s payroll. According to the International Crisis Group estimations, Libya had about 300 militia groups by the time Gaddafi was killed. In 2014 the number had hit approximately 600.NATO also failed to collect large amounts of weapons that had flooded the streets after finishing its mission. As a result, both the militia and individuals amassed weapons at the end of the war. This has greatly contributed to the insecurity witnessed in Libya.
Furthermore, NATO’s intervention on Libya’s Civil War led to the loss of lives and destruction of property. According to the May 2012 Human Rights Watch report, a total of 72 civilians were killed during the war. Life is precious, and nobody deserves to lose it for whatever reason. This impacted negatively on most families as they lost their loved ones. Emotional and psychological pain was inflicted on them. Some individuals were also rendered poorer than they were before the war as their wealth was destroyed as collateral during the fights.
Impact of NATO’s role in Afghanistan
After the September 11 attacks in the United States, NATO was forced to invoke article 5 of the NATO chapter for the first time. The article states that an attack on any member shall be considered an attack to all. On October 4, 2001, NATO determined that the attacks met the criteria of article 5 of its treaty. The official actions by NATO in response to the attacks included Operations Eagle Assist and Operation Active Endeavour. This was naval operations in the Mediterranean Sea, whose aim was to prevent the movement of terrorists or weapons and to improve the security of shipping across the sea.
On April 16, 2003, NATO took command of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). ISAF was initially mandated with securing Kabul and surrounding areas from Taliban, al Qaeda, and other warlords. Later, the U.N. security council authorized the expansion of ISAF throughout Afghanistan. Later during its 2012 Chicago summit, a decision was made to end the Afghanistan war and subsequent removal of the NATO-led ISAF Forces by December 2014. This was to be replaced by the Resolute Support Mission.
NATO’s main mandate in Afghanistan is to assist the government in exercising and extending its authority and influence across the region. After NATO took over command of ISAF in 2003, it has gradually expanded its mission, which was originally localized in Kabul to cover the whole nation.
Hence, NATO has grossly contributed to the security and stability of Afghanistan. ISAF’s main role is to assist the Afghan government in establishing a secure and stable environment. This is done in conjunction with the Afghanistan National Security Forces (ANSF). Moreover, ISAF is helping to stabilize the Afghan army in support of the United States, which is sponsoring the overall training and equipment through the Combined Security Transition Command Afghanistan(CSTC-A). The ISAF is also involved in supporting the Afghanistan National Police, disarming illegally armed groups(DIAG), facilitating ammunition depots managements, and providing post-operation assistance.
Secondly, NATO’s body ISAF is playing a key role in the reconstruction and management of Afghanistan through its Provincial Reconstruction Teams(PRTs) and consisting of teams of civilian and military personnel who are working together to extend the authority of the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan through security enhancement and providing the reconstruction and development efforts (R & D). PRTs also use their diplomatic ties to support security sector reforms and good governance. The ISAF PRTs also assist the Afghanistan government and international stakeholders with humanitarian assistance whenever requested. The ISAF soldiers usually carry out relief missions, distribute medications, food, and water to help the villagers in coping up with the severe weather conditions in different parts of the country.
Furthermore, the ISAF, through the Provincial Reconstitution Teams, has been helping the government of Afghanistan to strengthen the institutions required to fully run the government properly and hold the rule of law for human rights promotion. The PRTs help in building capacity, supporting government structures growth, and building an environment in which governance can flourish.
Moreover, NATO, through ISAF, had played a significant role in the success of the counter-narcotics war in Afghanistan. As a result, the Afghan government adopted the National Drug Control Strategy in May 2003. This is aimed at reducing the production of illicit brew by 70% in 2007 and eliminating its production by 2012. The country’s ability to fight narcotics and implementing its Drugs Controls Strategy will largely depend on international support.
The NATO Training Mission in Iraq
NATO formed the NATO Training Mission-Iraq in August 2004 during the Iraq war. The training mission was meant to assist the Iraq security forces in conjunction with the United States-led MNF-I. In line with the provisions of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1546, the NATO Training Mission-Iraq was constituted at the request of Iraq’s interim government. The main goal of NTM-I was to assist Iraq to develop its security forces training structures and institutions. As a result, this will help Iraq build effective and sustainable capability to address the nation’s needs. The NTM-I was not a combat mission. It was rather a distinct mission under NATO’s North Atlantic Council political control. The emphasis of its operation was on training and mentorship. Iraq authorities and the US-led Deputy Commanding General Advising and Training coordinated the activities of the mission. On December 17, 2011, the mission was officially concluded.
First, during post-war Iraq, NATO’s involvement helped to legitimize the reconstruction process in the eyes of many around the world. This made it a U.N. mandate and cleared the way for funds from the E.U. The United States launched the war against Iraq without United Nations Security Council’s approval and against the world’s will. Giving NATO a role in the reconstruction of Iraq proved that Iraq was not a mere American protectorate. NATO’s involvement in the reconstruction also ensures security was restored. This impacted positively on the lives of individuals living in Iraq.
In addition, NATO’s involvement in post-war Iraq security arrangements was vital in giving the European allies such as Russia a hand in the successful reconstruction of Iraq. At the moment, Canada is the largest contributor to the Iraq mission.
Trans-Atlantic strategy against China
The rapid growth of China in terms of innovation and technological advancement has seen its economy rise significantly. The rapid growth poses a significant threat to the United States and the Trans-Atlantic as a whole. During the last NATO summit in December, the organization reiterated the need for all the members’ collective efforts to deal with the sudden rise of China as a superpower. Its economy that is running into trillion dollars is poised to surpass the United States in the coming years. Its influence is already being felt because China’s loans are now contributing to major infrastructure projects in Africa, the Arctic regions, and the exploration of cyberspace. During the summit, the NATO heads of states diplomatically reiterate that China’s activities are already posing a significant threat to the transatlantic region. The instrumental policies and the growing influence of China is a concern that the organization needs to address the challenges (Zinaida Bechná, 2016). As a counter mechanism, China is already boycotting the countries and the companies that are criticizing its policies. The biggest policies being used by China is the leverage of the debt on the poor nations as well as buying up the critical infrastructure around the globe. Most notably, the acquisitions of the European ports have raised concerns among the NATO alliances and the ability to use the Chinese facilities at the time of crisis. Their constant quest to take charge of significant infrastructure such as the ports can make it hard to counter its strategies and play out good for them in the times of crisis.
China is also posing technological challenges to the west because it is now a leader in 5G communications. Besides, it is far much ahead in terms of hypersonic weapons, artificial intelligence (A.I.), and quantum computing (Brzezinski, 2020). If you observe closely, China is taking center stage in some of the key aspects of technology that will drive the world in the coming years. China has repeatedly stated that it is willing to execute its powers against the western states that interfere with its strategies. The Chinese Cyberespionage alongside the discrimination campaigns is now part of the daily lives of the NATO allies, the governments, and the private allies. They are all geared towards a common goal of preventing further influence and growth of China through the invasion of its policies.
The Beijing Military is the main driving factor behind the growing influence in the technological sector. The Chinese $260 billion defense budget is has a huge purchasing power that is estimated to be close to that of the United States (Rynning, 2020). Over the past decade, the Chinese military cooperation with Russia has continued to thrive with its influence being felt in Central Asia, but also Baltic Seas and the Mediterranean regions. Their alliance is a big threat to the NATO alliance because Russia has been a thorn in the flesh of many European countries despite coming from the region itself. The Chinese military is the spear that Beijing uses as a detriment to any international peace order (Zinaida Bechná, 2016). The maritime recently made the claims hat East China Seas and the South are regarded among the most prominent actions, and a lot of emphases have been put on them.
Chinas administration and the leadership relish its role in the ideological challenges of the west and the practice of liberal democracy. By using the military, economic, and technological power, China sees it as a perfect strategy to advance its utilitarianism ideals (Rynning, 2020). It is even surprising that Beijing recently made the claims that its political model has provided the most adept and agile response in dealing with the impact of the coronavirus pandemic.
As the trans-Atlantic community, lead the instruments for security collaboration, NATO can make a big contribution to the form relationship with China in various ways. First, it can establish a multinational sector organ that will be dealing with Chinese strategies. They will be able to identify the risks as well as the opportunities that China strategies present to the west. Secondly, NATO can also be instrumental in the development and promulgation of security strategies against China (Mehta, 2019). The strategies can include the dissuading of China from undermining the strategies of the west a well as the development of a partnership and cooperative relationship with China. As it is said, if you cannot beat them, you join them. It is the best strategy that can work in favor of NATO alliances. The third strategy would be the adoption of the NATOs influence in and military transformation as a deterrent against the Chinese.
Action plan against China’s influence
Establishment of a China-NATO Council
The council will be a reflection of the NATO-Russia council that dates back to 1997. The formation of the council will help respond to the reality that China’s influence is growing by the day. It will, therefore, spur the alliance members to move towards the formation of a working platform to counter the influence of China (Rynning, 2020). Its establishment will underscore the fact that the competition is not between the United States and China, but the whole of the trans- Atlantic and the Chinese.
Development of more engagements
NATO should deepen its engagements with the pacific partners such as New Zealand, Australia, Japan, Mongolia, and the Republic of Korea. The deepening of the consultation discussion will help steer robust military exercises on-air, special air forces, and the maritime. In this regard, it will bolster the freedom of navigation between these countries while also proving a better way to enhance the military arsenal of NATO as a counter mechanism against China’s growing influence.
Establishment of a military base in the Indo-Pacific region
It can be embedded as a center of excellence that will help NATO steer its military operations alongside the newly formed partners in the Asia-Pacific. It will also contribute to the Alliance awareness within the region, and if an opportunity presents itself, NATO could also partner with China. The implementation of these initiatives requires a lot of resources and will also take a lot of time. The allies may balk at the addition of mission to the already existing ones when the resource is already strained. However, the aforementioned will not lead to onerous costs and can instead build upon the existing European, Canadian, and U.S. military operations in the pacific, and this can be a norm.
Public diplomacy measures
Another means, a more direct and intentional, through which NATO influences individuals’ perception of NATO is public diplomacy. Over the years, public diplomacy is no longer limited to state governments but also of those international institutions. This is, in part, due to the development of technology, but most importantly, the emergency of global issues, such as climate change, economic crisis, financial crisis, terrorism, etc. Unlike OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe), also a multinational security organization, who believes that by keeping a low profile and having minimum public diplomacy make their mission more effective (Kemp, 1999; Merlingen and Ostrauskaitv, 2005), NATO “openly refers to its communication and information programs as public diplomacy activities” (Pagovski, 2015, p.13)
NATO’s approach concurs with the view of Merlingen and Mujic (2003) that public diplomacy does not undermine mission effectiveness. Rather, it plays an important role in it. “The public diplomacy goal of international organizations is to ensure a positive perception of their activities among domestic audiences within those organizations” (Grillot, 2010. P.9). With this intention in mind, NATO set up in 2004 the Committee for Public Diplomacy (CPD) and Public Diplomacy Division (PDD). Through these two departments, NATO conducts various forms of one-way (press releases, broadcasting, social media platforms, etc.) and two-way (official website chats, dialogue forums, etc.) communication with both internal and external audiences (sometimes in a foreign language as well) (Pagovski, 2015)
NATO makes itself more accessible to citizens by organizing various activities. “generate interest in transatlantic issues among larger segments of the population.”
“NATO organizes and funds many fellowship programs, summer schools, seminars, workshops, and essay competitions for students and young professionals” (Babst, 2009). However, NATO’s development since the 90s has changed the public’s perception. Despite the impressive technology development that allowed an overwhelming amount of information accessible to citizens, it is still hard for them to form their own judgment. This is due to the lack of explanatory and more informative content (He attributed the failure of support for NATO’s intervention in Afghan to this reason). Therefore, NATO needed to form its communication channels. The target audience of the organization is both internal and external audiences.
“In order to be able to communicate with certain social groups in a meaningful way, one must know their basic attitudes and values” (Babst, 2009, p.128) “The best public diplomacy begins with listening: systematically collecting and analyzing the opinions of publics.” (Welsh and Fearn, 2008, p.19).This use of soft power – public diplomacy – can help NATO to justify its ‘hard activities’ in the eyes of the international community, such as military interventions in…. these military interventions have found little controversies.
Babst (2009) “if one wants to win public support for the NATO military operation in Afghanistan, it is not enough to repeat the terrorist threat is emanating from there as the only message. For many citizens, this remains a virtual statement. Instead, additional factors have to be examined, and explanatory arguments have to be put forward that explain the objectives of the operation in a comprehensible context: These include, for example, the support of the Afghan government in building up its own security forces” [rephrase] “credible arguments and interactive communication are essential for political messages” failure of communication in 1999 air operation in Kosovo led mass media criticism, and NATO was certainly unprepared for this. Since that year, the security alliance set up several “Media Operation Centres with the purpose of coordinating information and press activities between the troop-making nations, the NATO commands involved and the NATO headquarters” In 2003 the Office for Information and Press merged with Science for Peace and Security Division and became the PDD. PDD conducts an open dialogue with various actors, from organizations, political leaders, to the general public. They target the younger generation (aged 17 to 35) as “younger generation, in particular, has only inferior information and incomplete ideas about security policy and the role of the alliance.”
“PDD department to use the widest possible range of communication tools: press and media activities, seminars, conferences and workshops, exhibitions, multimedia information products, scholarships, and student competitions, and of course the Internet and other modern information technologies.”
“all areas of activity of public diplomacy are geared towards building trust in the alliance, strengthening its credibility and thus contributing to stable public political support.”
The Gulf of Aden Anti-Piracy
On August 17, 2009, warships were deployed by NATO in an operation whose main aim was to protect the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden from Somali pirates. In addition, the operation was meant to strengthen the navies and coast guards of regional states. The operation constitutes mainly of warships from the United States, although vessels from many other nations are also included. Operation Ocean Shield is meant to protect the ships of Operation Allied Provider, which are distributing relief food as part of the World Food Program in Somalia. The operation focuses on dissuading and interrupting pirate attacks, offering protection to vessels, and abetting, thus increasing the general level of security in the region.
As a result, lives have been positively impacted in Somalia since relief food is able to reach those that have been hit by hunger and starvation. Essential items such as medicines are also able to reach the Somali population. Peace and stability have also been restored in the country, and at the moment, Somalia has an interim government. Businesses have also continued to operate smoothly across the East African coastline, thanks to NATO’s intervention. This is an indicator of NATO’s positive impact across the globe.
Bosnia and Herzegovina Intervention
The break-up of Yugoslavia led to the Bosnia War in 1992. As a result of the worsening situation, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 816 ordered a no-fly zone over central Bosnia and Herzegovina. On April 12, 1993, NATO began enforcing the order. This was referred to as Operation Deny Flight. From June 1993 to October 1996, maritime enforcement of the arms embargo and economic sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were added by Operation Sharp Guard.NATO took its first wartime action by shooting down four Bosnia Serb aircraft that had violated the no-fly zone on February 28, 1994. The operations came to an end in 2004.
As a result of the war, the lives of innocent civilians were lost. Families lost their loved ones in the process, thus emotional trauma. Properties were destroyed by impoverishing individuals. This constituted some of the negative implications of NATO at the individual level.
Conclusion
This research aimed to identify NATO’s impact at the individual level. By analyzing the impacts of NATO’s interventions in various countries around the world, this dissertation has shown how NATO’S impact at the individual level varies in different counties. In conclusion, NATO’s invasion of Libya and the overthrow of Gaddafi has created more problems for Libya than the solutions it intended to create. After NATO
its troops, the citizens were left with a war-torn country, without a country, rampant insecurity, to mention but a few. As a result, many have lived to regret supporting NATO’s intervention in Libya. This is because Gaddafi’s murder has not had far-reaching implications for Libya’s long term peace and stability.
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