Reconstruction, A Splendid Failure, by W.E.B Du Bois
Du Bois was a black scholar who gave life to the term, Black Reconstruction. During this Reconstruction, the general motive was to end servitude and racial discrimination. The Black Reconstruction is believed to commence during 1863 a year during the Emancipation Proclamation and pushed through 1877, which was the year when federal troops were chased from the south by the National Political Agreement (Du Bois, 2017). This paper is purposed in affirming Du Bois’s words of Reconstruction being a splendid failure and the issues surrounding Black Reconstruction in general.
A splendid failure.
Reconstruction was an absolutely splendid failure. As by the words of Du Bois, I would agree with the statement because the Reconstruction failed in some ways that the initiators (Black and White Americans) did not have a thought that they will happen. The reasons that necessitated its failures were those that no one would have thought. For instance, some nearly 2,000 documented Black Americas were able to govern well than enough in almost every level of leadership highlight from the senior-most senate, to be local sheriffs and also as tax collectors (Du Bois, 2017). The ability was a different appraisal as expected by those who were in government. They thought the Blacks would show to be more inferior than them and possibly perform poorly.
Blacks were able to work well despite being in toxic environments. The individuals who represented the Blacks in government were able to work with great courage and strength, something that horrified the Southern White, who openly threatened and attacked the Blacks violently. The Reconstruction was made possible by the 14th Amendment that happened in 1868. The Amendment protected the rights of everyone and laid down protection emanating from the law. All this was based on the issue of servitude and maintained an equal justice to everyone, and it was propagated to end slavery. From this, Black Reconstruction came forward, with the Blacks becoming more rejuvenated through indirect ways (Voros, 2017).
Political activism and African-American culture development
Family is central to human survival, and during the period of Reconstruction, families were very crucial when it comes to the post-emancipation of the Blacks community. Former slaves started looking for family members who got lost when being taken captive as slaves. Widows from the black soldiers could push positively for the survivor’s pensions. This act pushed the federal government to appreciate the importance of pre-war relationships that were overly denied by servitude instances. This was against the Black Codes, which brought equality to blacks’ treatment in the community, although promoting absolute inequalities such as Blacks testifying against the Whites in a court of law. The law was mainly designed for the free Blacks, the African-Americans. On the other hand, this move undermined the Freedmen’s Bureau, which sought to create provisions for the refugees; Black Codes were against land ownership (Abbott, 2018).
During the Black Reconstruction, the blacks were allowed to worship in the churches of their choice. The blacks could administer Biblical teachings at the pulpit without the assistance from the Whites. Having permission to attend any church of choice, the African-Americans had the biggest chance to worship their own religion. This contributed to the rich religious culture that exists in North America and is a practice to date. Government institutions that allowed the Blacks to engage in leadership created a new way in which the Blacks were seen as potential citizens, although they were largely undermined. This led to various political reforms that emerged as purges to counteract the Black leadership and instill fear.
The new forms of servitude
Land reforms came in a step to give back land to the displaced Blacks and the Black slaves. The reforms were presented in parts by the Freedmen’s Bureau to give land and shelter to the refugees and Freedmen. Although this seems to be a positive move towards the end of servitude, President Johnson was in the first stanza to fight against any land reform (Abbott, 2018). Johnson could not allow land to be confiscated from the Confederates to be issued to the former slaves. The issue of sharecropping instigated violence from the peasants since they felt overworked. Sharecropping involved free land leasing by the owner, where he provided all the materials to be used in planting, and after harvesting, the peasant would share the harvest with the landowner (Jackson, Fitzpatrick, & Man Singh, 2016). This increased poverty and was slavery in itself since the peasant used more energy, and when it came to dividing the harvest, there was no justice.
Most individuals in the south could not afford to live without free labour from Blacks. Biracial democracy brought by the reforms brought more violence. Violence was instigated by the belief that blacks could not work for free without physical compulsion. During post-emancipation, the violence was specifically desired to deter the development of blacks. Racial violence was a form of servitude; some utilized terrorism to manipulate the former slaves.
To sum up, Black Reconstruction was a path that the white did not seek to achieve knowingly. It gave more power to the Blacks and made it hard for the Whites to manipulate them completely. Economic depression killed slavery since the politicians delved their energies into other areas that seemed vital to their survival. Until today, servitude appears in one way or another in workplaces and other areas.
References
Abbott, M. (2018). The Freedmen’s Bureau in South Carolina, 1865-1872. UNC Press Books.
Jackson, R., Fitzpatrick, D., & Man Singh, P. (2016). Building Back Right: Ensuring equality in land rights and Reconstruction in Nepal.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (Ed.). (2017). Black Reconstruction in America: Toward a history of the part which black folk played in the attempt to reconstruct democracy in America, 1860-1880. Routledge.
Voros, F. (2017). Understanding the 14th Amendment. Utah Bar Journal, 30(3), 10-15.