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THE FUNDAMENTAL CHALLENGES TO THE EU-US PARTNERSHIP

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THE FUNDAMENTAL CHALLENGES TO THE EU-US PARTNERSHIP

 

The Fundamental Challenges to the EU-US Partnership

Part I

Description: The New International Order

There is an emerging international order that has been created by the globalization of the market economy, ostensibly causing sociopolitical, economic, environmental, and cultural ramifications across the world. Quite notably, the rules-based order that formed the framework of international engagements between Europe and the US as well as with other countries and regions is slowly being eroded. The start of the 21st century saw the world reap the benefits of globalization but, more importantly, ushered in an era of a failed international financial system, proliferation of nuclear weapons, global power shifts from the West to the East, and unprecedented global pandemics.

Why?

Globalization has introduced a new dynamic that has offset the status quo of western domination, both politically and economically. The global financial crisis of 2008, which severely affected many countries within the European Union (EU), was an indicator that western leadership may not be sustainable (Lewis et al. 2018, p.24). China has ferociously taken over the global financial markets, dominating all sectors, and has become a formidable competitor to the US and its western allies within the EU (Oliver and Williams 2016, p.557). Indeed, this has cast doubt on the strength of the joint partnership between the US and EU in controlling the world economy since both are experiencing trade deficits with China.

Who?

The rise of China as a critical driver of globalization has brought about multi-polarity in the global political arena. Multi-polarity has ensured that the domination of global politics by the US and Russia becomes a thing of the past since countries such as China, India and other countries in the East have proven that they are equally as crucial in the sociopolitical and economic landscape of the world (Riddervold and Newsome 2018, p.45). Multi-polarity has brought about complexities that have created multiple power centers, significantly reducing the powers of the EU as individual member states take hardline stands on various global issues.

Background

The US and a sizeable portion of Europe under the umbrella of the European Union (EU), form an integral part of the so-called western economic liberalization model that has dominated the world for decades (Creutz et al. 2019, p.4). This liberalization model that has been fronted by the US and its allies in the EU has seemingly been overtaken by a new protectionist model in which countries pursue their interests in a world that is highly competitive. The emergence of new economic powerhouses such as China, India, and Russia has changed the ballgame for countries in the West. It has resulted in the waning influence of traditional western powers such as the US and other countries in the EU.

General Assessment

The EU has gradually been rendered irrelevant by the current global power shifts, and it is becoming increasingly clear that its principal partner, the US may not be keen on backing the EU in various global foreign policy negotiations.This was evident when the EU was left aloof in its quest to push for a multilateral governance structure during the Copenhagen convention with other countries (Schwarzer 2017, p.18). Whereas the EU intended to extend the multilateral and collective governance system to other countries and regions, all other countries outside the EU (including the US) negotiated based on individual interests. Indeed, the EU has lost ground in the new international order, and this has threatened its partnership with the US.

Part II

Challenges to US-EU Relations

The transatlantic partnership between the US and EU is awash with many challenges as the world faces global power shifts and as countries begin to aspire to chart their own political and economic paths through protectionist approaches. The first challenge that is facing the EU-US partnership is the seemingly unbalanced trade between the EU and the US (Lewis et al. 2018, p.17). All trade negotiations between the US and member states of the EU are carried out as US-EU negotiations. The trade deals between the US and EU have seen exports from the EU to America increase significantly. However, the US remains adamant that there is no trade balance between the two partners (Ikenberry 2018, p.14). This situation has been exacerbated by President Donald Trump’s administration, which has adopted an isolationist approach towards its partnerships with multilateral organizations such as the EU. President Trump has, on many occasions, been quoted saying that the trade deals between the US and EU are unfair to the US and need to be renegotiated. President Trump’s remarks on its transatlantic relations not only with the EU but also with NATO have raised concerns over the future of the US-Europe trade partnerships.

Additionally, as if to preclude the possible widening of the rift between the US and EU, the current US administration has moved to impose new tariffs on all steel and aluminum imports from the EU. Moreover, there are ongoing threats by the US that it will impose additional tariffs on all automobile imports from the EU (Smith 2018, p.551). If the US were to make true its threats to impose auto tariffs, countries such as Germany would be severely affected since most of the latter’s automobile companies rely heavily on the US market (Rees 2017, p.561). This ‘America First’ approach has caused jitters and disquiet among EU member states. There are all indications that in a highly competitive world, the US-EU partnership is becoming weaker.

Another challenge in the US-EU partnership is the loss of the critical ally of the US in the EU, which is the UK. The exit of the UK from the European Union has further complicated the relations between the US and EU since the US no longer views the EU from the lens of a political and security partner. This is because the UK was the key military and political power of the EU, and its exit, therefore, means the loss of some leverage on the part of the EU in its relations with the US (Creutz et al. 2019, p.13). The Brexit has cost the US its closest partner in the EU since the UK and the US share common foreign policies relating to trade, security, and other global issues (Lansford 2017, p.20). The exit of the UK from the EU can be viewed as a consequence of the protectionist and isolationist approach that major political powers around the globe are taking in the face of the adverse effects of globalization (Baetens et al. 2015, p.6). The loss of diplomatic, economic, and military clout on the part of the EU due to Brexit makes it a less reliable partner to advance US interests in Europe and indeed the globe.

In the current scheme of things, the transatlantic relations between the US and EU are likely to decrease significantly since the US no longer has the bargaining power in the EU after the UK left the organization (Sangalli 2018, p.12). Brexit was a catalyst to the growing divisions between the US and EU, especially on emerging economic and security issues such as the threat of Russia and China, policies on Iran and Syria as well as climate change (Schwarzer 2017, p.25). Even as internal wrangles continue to rock EU member states, it is highly likely that the US would be indifferent in the potential collapse of the EU. Pundits and economics experts have opined that it would serve US interests well if the EU were to collapse since the former would have the opportunity to renegotiate trade deals with individual countries in Europe (Riddervold and Newsome 2018, p.32). Therefore, the exit of the UK from the EU has complicated the already strained relations between the US and UK in the new international order.

The Middle East sociopolitical and economic issues have presented a real challenge to the US-EU partnership as both seem to have divergent foreign policies in the Middle East. Some of the critical issues of concern for the US and the EU in the Middle East include the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the crises in Syria and Yemen, and Iran’s nuclear program (Kappel 2015, p.7). The divergence of foreign policies between the US and EU in the Middle East became evident in the early years of the 21st century during the Presidency of George W. Bush in the US (Constantin-Bercean 2018, p.193). The invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan marked a point of departure between the US and most of the EU member states since the latter opposed military invasion and instead suggested a more diplomatic approach to the war on terrorism (Renard 2016, p.9). It has become apparent that against the backdrop of devastating terrorist activities in Europe and the US, the latter has pursued a more confrontational approach in terms of counter-terrorism policies (Kaunert 2018, p.112). Consequently, the majority of the EU member states opposed the military counter-terrorism efforts of the US in the Middle East. Due to the lack of full unequivocal support of the EU, the US military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan failed to meet their intended objectives, and have instead resulted in a more chaotic and politically unstable Middle East (Fiedler 2018, p.3). This has raised questions among security and counter-terrorism experts about the future of collaboration between the US and EU regarding restoring peace in the Middle East.

It follows that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has often exposed the strained relations between the US and the EU. In as much as the US and the EU have recently embraced the long-term peace negotiations between Israel and Palestine, there seem to be some misunderstandings on the peace strategy that should be used to resolve the conflict that has rocked the two countries for more than two decades (Baetens et al. 2015, p.3). The recent recognition of Jerusalem has exacerbated this deadlock as Israel’s capital by the US. The move by President Trump’s administration undermines one of the critical goals of the EU, which is to midwife a two-state solution to the conflict between Israel and Palestine (Smith 2018, p.543). In the same vein, the failure of the US and the EU to jointly resolve the Syrian crisis that has led to an upsurge of refugees and asylum seekers in Europe and US farther casts doubt on the viability and usefulness of the EU-US partnership in the quest for political stability in the Middle East.

The US-EU partnership seems to be slowly waning away, especially since the US and EU appear to be reading from different scripts on the issue of the Iran nuclear program. The recent move by President Trump to withdraw the US from the multilateral nuclear deal with Iran signed in 2015 has flared the tensions between the US and EU (Sperling 2015, p.165). Key EU member states such as Germany and France have vehemently opposed the move by the US to pull out of the nuclear deal with Iran, warning that this could lead to unprecedented security consequences in Europe and America (Jianwei 2019, p.167). The refusal of the EU to embrace the sanctions imposed on Iran by the US due to its nuclear program is an indication the two partners (US and EU) are working at cross-purposes (Sperling 2015, p.177). The current tensions between the US and EU have been compounded by the radical and unpopular foreign policies of the current US administration.

The transatlantic partnership between the US and EU is also facing the challenge of divergent views and strategies on climate change mitigation strategies. The recognition of climate change as a global security issue was fervently pushed for by the EU as it urged its member states and other significant players in the global arena to put in place mitigating measures to deal with climate change (Kappel 2015, p.3). The culmination of the EU’s efforts was the Paris Agreement signed in 2015 by countries across the world. However, the US has lately threatened to withdraw from the Paris Accord (Steinhauer 2018, p.5). This is a move that surprised many countries, including EU member states since it was largely expected that the US would be the leader in the global efforts to combat climate change by implementing policies to reduce carbon emissions (Cronberg 2017, p.248). The decision by the US to withdraw from the Paris Agreement has been interpreted by many as an affront to the EU’s efforts to foster a global movement in the fight against climate change.

Nevertheless, the divergence in opinions and foreign policy outlooks between the US and EU does not necessarily mean that the partnership between the two parties is weakening or in shambles. On the contrary, it is a display of the interdependence between the US and EU in the face of emerging global challenges (Schwarzer 2017, p.19). According to Constantin Bercean, an International Relations scholar and author, both the EU and the US have handled divergent views on various foreign policy issues such as the military interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, in a manner that demonstrates mutual respect for each other’s viewpoints (Constantin-Bercean 2018, p.189). It follows that most often than not, the two have agreed to disagree, which is the hallmark of democracy. Indeed, the divergence of opinion between the US and EU has not hampered their efforts in working together towards achieving commonforeign interests. Therefore, the EU-US partnership is stronger now more than ever.

The global power shifts to the East and the rise of powers such as China, India, and Russia have not weakened the EU-US relations. The relevance of the EU-US partnership has been revitalized amid the so-called waning influence of the West (Oliver and Williams 2016, p.550). This truism is aptly put across by Liu Jianwei, a scholar and an associate research fellow when he contends that the new multi-polar world does not present a challenge to both the EU and the US. He explains that the current global state of affairs serves the purpose of helping them re-strategize their foreign policy efforts by fostering a united EU-US front against the powers threatening to undermine democracy and the rule of law in the world (Jianwei 2019, p.167). The US and the EU are aware that they cannot form a formidable force that would restore sanity to the Middle Eastern countries like Syria, Yemen, and Iraq, without being united. Hence, the conflicts and complexities created by the new international order should not be viewed as challenges but rather as opportunities for increased collaboration between the EU and the US.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the US-EU partnership is facing many challenges in the wake of a new international order that is characterized by emerging multiple global power centers, multi-polarity and a waning dominance of the West on crucial global issues. The issues of US-EU trade deficits, counter-terrorism policies, climate change efforts, the proliferation of nuclear weapons and conflicts in the Middle East have presented unique challenges to the US-EU partnership. The exit of the UK from the EU and the radical foreign policy changes adopted by the Trump administration in the US has only exacerbated the already tense relations between the US and EU.  It is in the best interest of the US and EU to revitalize their seemingly cold relationships by forging a common policy agenda for the benefit of both parties and other regions in the world.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

References

Baetens, F., Baetens, F., Berden, K., Berden, K., Blockmans, S., Blockmans, S., Bonnitcha, J., Bonnitcha, J., Chase, P., Chase, P. and Egan, M., 2015. Rule-Makers or Rule-Takers? Exploring the transatlantic trade and investment partnership.

Constantin-Bercean, I., 2018. A Nuclear Test for Diplomacy: Iran and the (New) Eu-Us Sanctions Debate. Modelling the New Europe. An On-line Journal, (28), pp.182-205.

Creutz, K., Iso-Markku, T., Raik, K. and Tiilikainen, T., 2019. The changing global order and its implications for the EU.

Cronberg, T., 2017. No EU, no Iran deal: the EU’s choice between multilateralism and the transatlantic link. The Nonproliferation Review24(3-4), pp.243-259.

Fiedler, R., 2018. Iran and the European Union after the Nuclear Deal. CES Working Papers10(3), pp.291-305.

Ikenberry, G.J., 2018. The end of liberal international order?. International Affairs94(1), pp.7-23.

Jianwei, L., 2019. US-EU Cooperation on Economic Sanctions: Characteristics, Limitations and Prospects. China Int’l Stud.79, p.167.

Kappel, R., 2015. Global power shifts and challenges for the global order. German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Hamburg, Policy Paper2, p.2015.

Kaunert, C., 2018. The external dimension of counter-terrorism co-operation. In European internal security. Manchester University Press.

Lansford, T., 2017. Old Europe, New Europe and the US: Renegotiating transatlantic security in the post 9/11 era. Taylor & Francis.

Lewis, P., Parakilas, J., Schneider-Petsinger, M., Smart, C., Rathke, J. and Ruy, D., 2018. The Future of the United States and Europe: An Irreplaceable Partnership. Royal Institute of International Affairs.

Oliver, T. and Williams, M.J., 2016. Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US—EU and US—UK relationships. International Affairs92(3), pp.547-567.

Oliver, T., 2016. Goodbye Britannia? The international implications of Britain’s vote to leave the EU. Geopolitics, History, and International Relations8(2), pp.214-233.

Renard, T., 2016. Partnering for global security: The EU, its strategic partners and transnational security challenges. Eur. Foreign Aff. Rev.21, p.9.

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Riddervold, M. and Newsome, A., 2018. Transatlantic relations in times of uncertainty: crises and EU-US relations.

Sangalli, A., 2018. The US out of the Iran Deal: a Pandora’s box. Escenarios: empresa y territorio7(10), pp.9-15.

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Steinhauer, V., 2018. Leaving the Paris Agreement: The United States’ Disengagement from the Global Climate Regime and its Impact on EU Climate Diplomacy. EU Diplomacy Paper 04/2018.

 

 

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