Violence against Women in Qatar

 Literature Review

2.1.   Brief Introduction

Studies about violence against women are rare in the Arabian Gulf countries. Several researchers reveal that reviews of violence against women are not only limited but also treated as a marginal topic. Existing studies focused on small data samples and did not follow the appropriate methodology of research. Additionally, the current research about women’s violence in Qatar is just mere surveys that do not document the real societal issues. Analysis of public policy requires clear problem identification as an essential part of the solution-finding[1]. Clear problem identification deals with the root cause of violence against Qatari women, thereby enabling the implementation of permanent solutions. Categorization of the issue’s root cause into logical components also allow a comprehensive understanding of the underlying social issue[2].

The proposal documents a national investigation on violence against Qatari women and offers recommendations for tackling the issue at a societal level. The process of information documentation on women’s violence is greatly influenced by the cultural and social contexts[3]. Qatar’s cultural society expects women to uphold the family’s name and honor. Women in Qatar are not allowed to disclose information that might damage the family’s reputation and bring shame to the tribe. Meanwhile, governmental bodies of security form part of Qatar’s societal, cultural context. Therefore, the performance of the security bodies in Qatar is limited by social habits and norms, rendering inaccurate statistics.  Enforcement of laws against women’s violence is also ineffective in Qatar because of the existing social norms and attitudes.

In 2005, statistics of cases involving women’s violence revealed that only 55 reports were presented to the Qatari Association for the Protection of Children and Women from Violence (QACW). Two-thirds of the reported cases originated from Qatari women, while one-third of the reports came from non-local females. The published information about violence against women in Qatar is shallow and cannot form a statistics database. Qatar’s Interior Ministry also provides other statistics on women’s abuse. The statistics reveal that there were sixty-five cases of domestic violence reported in 2004. Furthermore, the Offence Court dealt with 23 assault cases while the Criminal Court tackled two assault and three homicide cases in 2004. The Department of Status in Qatar also dealt with 37 cases of women assault.

The information provided by the Qatari government in the past does not clearly define the type of assault case. Moreover, the nationality and identity of the victims are not documented. Information about the offenders is also not provided; thus, the statistics are rendered unreliable because of difficulty in classification. Recent data about women’s violence in Qatar lack clarity, detailed information, and organization. Transformations in statistical data documentation would require serious address by officials in the society. The research will cover an in-depth analysis of the psychological and social levels of violence against women in Qatari society. The recommendation provided by the study may be used by officials to take measures to protect Qatari women against assault.

2.2.   Tribalism in Qatar

Tribes in Qatar are essential as they affect the social and daily life of the people[4]. Previous analyses on the subject recognized tribalism, citizenship, and identity in modern Qatar as a social organization system that exists in the country[5]. The systems of social organization are fitted into different representations created by societal evolutionary philosophers. Qatari’s social organization system takes a hierarchical form starting with the nucleus and then spreading to the extended family[6].  Extended families in Qatar have roots of genealogy up to the fifth generation. Family trees in the extended lineages are classified into four or six clans. Tribes were then formed by a group of clans. Contemporary Qatar has a similar social organization structure when linked to recent literature. However, different academics utilize different terminologies while describing numerous aggregated constituents.

The systems of tribes and clans in Qatar influence the relations of extended families and social dynamics. Extended families in Qatar are patriarchal and patrilineal; hence lineage members live nearby. Males have a dominant position and are elders giving guidance to the families. The extended family’s dynamic characteristics assist researchers in understanding the social practices and norms in Qatari society. The dynamic features include gender roles, the process of decision making, and functions of elders[7]. Women’s role in a tribal structure is essential as they participate in honoring the family’s name. Qatar was dominantly used as a range-land for Saudi Arabia’s nomadic tribes before the establishment of urban society.

The nomadic tribes settled in the Najd and Al Hasa regions of Saudi Arabia. In Berdouin society, women participate in the trading of goods on behalf of the tribes. Women were frequently involved in the tribes’ decision making processes in the absence of men in society. In the past, men had to travel for extended periods while participating in economic activities, e.g., businesses and pearl hunting. There was the separation of men and women in their quarters, either a house or tent. Most women in traditional Qatari society were not educated because of Bedouin customs and practices. However, little children in traditional Qatar were taught the Quran until ten years of age. Afterward, families would celebrate “al khatam” after the kids successfully finish studying the Quran.

2.2.1.      The Function of Family Elders

The Arabian Gulf regions have a male-controlled society where elders are highly respected. The respect for elders in Arab countries is connected to seniority and age. Unlike in the western world where the chief’s admiration is disappearing, the elders’ wisdom and authority in Qatari society are seldom challenged. Qatari’s community, younger women and men, had to wait to be matriarchs and patriarchs in their families at an appropriate age. The family elders were involved in arranging marriages in the society[8]. The bride and groom had no power in making decisions concerning spouse selection[9]. The family elders focused on tribal solidarity to enhance the social and economic benefits experienced by the extended family through marriage[10].  Family elders also represented the people in crucial political systems transformations in the countries, e.g., the establishment of a new constitution[11].

2.2.2.      Gender Roles in Traditional Qatari Society

Arabian Gulf region countries traditionally share common traits in gender roles[12]. The most fundamental trait is the consideration of men as families’ breadwinners. The men’s roles are commonly outside homes as they involve themselves with economic activities to provide for their families[13]. The males in Qatari society are considered as protectors and managers of their homes[14]. On the other hand, the roles of women are mostly within their households, managing parental decisions.  In recent years, Qatari society has experienced a change in gender roles, and the gap between men and women significantly reduced[15]. Changing gender roles in modern Qatar is attributed to rapid growth in population. Overpopulation has led to decreased per capita income, causing women to search for employment outside their households. Men, on the other hand, are also assuming home duties in contemporary Qatar.

2.3.   Women’s Violence in the Arabian Gulf Region

Women’s violence in Arab countries is a major social issue[16]. However, there is ignorance in dealing with the issue because of tribal and family considerations. Women’s violence is recognized as a global issue influencing the well-being and health of females internationally. Violence against women is a revelation of unequal historical relations of power between men and women[17]. Male domination and women discrimination prevents females from adequately advancing. Violence against women is a crucial social mechanism in Qatari society whereby females are usually forced into subordinate positions compared to males. Girls and women are frequently exposed to various forms of assault. The different types of violence against women include domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment, female genital mutilation, and forced marriage. The kinds of women’s violence create obstacles in the realization of equality between men and women.

2.3.1.      Domestic Violence against Women

Domestic violence is any physical sexual, psychological, or economic assault occurring within a family and mostly perpetrated by spouses[18]. Domestic violence is one of the most sensitive and problematic social issues related to the health of women. Generally, Arabian Gulf region countries have been reluctantly acknowledging domestic violence[19]. The reluctance is linked to the authorities’ methods of handling domestic violence cases. Domestic violence cases in the Arab world are considered as a taboo as women are prohibited from disclosing their family matters. Some countries in the Arabian Gulf region lack laws of fighting against domestic violence.  Countries like Iran, Bahrain, Qatar, and UAE lack laws that deal with domestic violence against women. Other countries, e.g., Kuwait, Iraq, and Oman, only partially address the issue of domestic violence. However, Saudi Arabia has been on the front runners in the criminalization of domestic violence against women through legislation.

The literature on domestic violence against women in the Arabian Gulf countries is minimal, despite the subject being susceptible. In 2017, the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) database indicated that only three Arab have a DHS violence module[20]. A study conducted by the United Nations reveals a connection between women’s violence and societal factors[21]. The factors in society promoting violence against women include discriminatory legal codes, armed conflicts[22]. Other factors include inadequate female participation in politics and the economy and legal impunity for women and girls’ violence. Research also suggests firm gender norms and masculinity notions embedded in traditional culture promote men’s use of violence against women. Domestic violence perpetrated by spouses is the most common violation of human rights affecting the well-being and health of women in the Arab countries. The World Health Organization (WHO) approximated that 30% of women globally experienced violence by their spouses in 2013[23]. 37% of women in the Arab region also experienced violence by an intimate partner in Egypt, Jordan, Iran, and Palestine[24].

2.3.2.      Women’s Reluctance to Report Domestic Violence Cases

Women in the Arabian Gulf region are reluctant to report cases of domestic violence perpetrated against them. Lack of reporting of domestic violence against women is a social problem connected to the families’ customs and practices.  Women in Arab countries are often eager to conceal any psychological or physical abuse against them. Women have the perception that reporting cases of violence against them threatens and ruins their family’s honor. Some women attempt to report instances of assault against them. However, the attitude of the uncooperative police officials that discourages them. The authorities mostly encourage women to return home to solve their issues within the family. Additionally, women fail to report assault cases because of the assumption that their legal rights will be ignored. Ignorance is, in most cases, attributed to a lack of laws referencing to violence against women.

Along with the fear of retaliation from perpetrators, women also believe that being assaulted sexually is a personal matter. Also, most youthful women assume that sexual violence cases are non-essential to report. Some women also report instances of rape to individual persons but not the police. Women victims are stigmatized as they fear the negative social pressure from members of the community if they report violence cases[25]. Women’s violence is prevalent in society. However, lack of proper legislation addressing assault against women curbs the fight, eliminating the problem leading to increased cases.  Debates in the area of women’s violence exist since 2007 after the proposal of a bill aimed at solving the issue. However, there have been numerous objections, as some people argue that the proposed legislation goes against the Islamic Sharia law.

2.3.3.      Dealing With Violence against Women in Arabian Countries

The sensitivity of the issue of violence against women has made Arabian countries’ governments engage in activities to support the victims[26].  Bahrain, UAE, and Kuwait provide shelters for women victims of domestic violence. Additionally, there have been increased support from non-governmental organizations and the civil society to help in the elimination of violence against women[27]. Countries like Oman lack shelters for female violence victims. Arab countries agreed to the (SDGs) to eliminate all forms of women’s violence in private and public spheres. Despite the measures to tackle women’s violence, females in the Arab region continue to encounter barriers to complete economic, social, and political equality.

2.4.   Qatar’s Context and Commitments

2.4.1.      Features of Demography in Qatar

Families in Qatar are described by various demographic features which are common to most countries that are developing[28]. The families’ demographic features include a high rate of fertility and large sizes of family. The average Qatari family’s capacity in 1997 was 5.3 members[29]. The sizes of families in Qatar have significantly reduced in recent years yet still higher than non-Qatari families’ residents in 2004. The overall rate of Qatari women’s fertility increased up to 3.9 in 2004, which is a drop from 4.4 in 2007[30]. Increased fertility rate signifies the lack of improvement in the literacy of the reproductive sector despite rising education levels amongst Qataris. There is a balance between the fertility rate of illiterate women and literate females, leading to the prevention of the rate from decreasing below 3.0. However, the decreasing trend of fertility rate indicates a population drop in the subsequent years, which would also reduce the family size.

General changes in Qatar include family size shrinkage and transformation from extended to nuclear families.  Levels of education, income, occupations, and residence type’s alterations also lead to a change in the Qatari families’ social status.

2.4.2.      Statistics of Violence against Women in Qatar

Available unpublished statistics of violence against women in Qatar exist for years 2000-2004 from Security Services Department (SSD) records.  The table below illustrates the crime numbers against women from 2000 to 2004.

Table 1: Crime Numbers Committed Against Women in 2000-2004

The statistics reveal an increase in the number of women’s violence from 2000 to 2003 with a slight drop in 2004. The statistics signify an increasing willingness of women to report cases of violence perpetrated against them. Increase cases’ reporting may also mean economic transformations and modernization of Qatari society. However, there is a lack of explicit awareness of the changes’ nature and results in minimizing the adverse social effects against women[31]. SSD records reveal that more than half of the filed cases were perpetrated against women in Qatar. The violence cases were majorly grouped as assault without explicitly defining the violence type. Premeditated murder and sexual assault crimes, e.g., rape, were also frequently reported by non-Qatari women.

Most of the violence cases reported were classified as sexual harassment mostly occurring in shopping centers[32]. SSD statistics on violence cases are mostly presided in the Preliminary Court system and do not describe the degree or type of assault. In 2006, the Emergency Office of Hamad Hospital only recorded 200 cases of women’s violence in Doha. The women victims’ ages were between 20 and 40 years. The violence against the women in Doha spread from bruises to a deep wound, traumas inflicted by hands, sticks or sharp tools, and superficial cuts. Statistics emanating from various sources e.g., SSD, Hamad Hospital, and Association for the Protection of Children and Women (APCW), reveal the prevalence of women’s violence. However, the data mostly shows a lack of reporting and recording of cases of violence against women in Qatar.

2.4.3.      Qatar’s Legal Provisions

The judicial system in Qatar comprises of the Supreme Judiciary Council and the Ministry of Justice[33]. The 10^th legislative law of 2003 defined the religious and judicial regulations under one body known as the Courts. The types of courts existing in Qatar include Appellate, Preliminary, and Supreme. Every court has the competent capability to rule on cases filed following the law. Nonetheless, the legal system in Qatar lacks provisions for tackling women’s violence, which is a relatively new interest area. Qatar is, however, keen on family protection, including children and mothers against various economic, cultural, social, and environmental challenges. Domestic violence against women and children is the most common type of problem in Qatar.

Part 2 of Qatar’s Permanent Constitution describes a family as the foundation of the society with morality, religion, and love of the mother country at its essence. The law ought to provide all protection means, consolidation, and maintenance of childhood, motherhood, and old age. However, some of the principles spelled out in the constitution lack representation in the criminal codes of law[34]. The current Qatari Penal Code does not criminalize assault against children and women. However, the Penal Code specifies forms of physical violence, defamation, molestation, children’s exposure to danger, and insult. The penal code also specifies penalties for misdemeanors or felonies involving any forms of the described crimes.  Qatar also lacks a centralized system for protecting women survivors of violence. Victims may report cases of abuse to the police, QACW, or the Human Rights Commission, which form the only protection agencies in Qatar[35]. After reporting, victims are then encouraged to pursue their case and sue the perpetrator through the judicial system.

2.4.4.      Sharia Law in Qatar

Sharia law has its main principles derived from the Holy Quran. Sharia law was not founded by legal scholars; instead, it was revealed by Prophet Muhammad, founder of Islam in 570 BCE[36].  Sharia is a religious legal system and sometimes contradicts western society’s legal systems. The Islamic System of Law in Qatar is the principal legislation source. There was the introduction of western legislation to Qatar in 1916. Oil discovery in 1940 further ushered western laws into the country’s legal system. Western laws’ introduction did not phase out Sharia law; instead, both legal systems worked together[37]. Implementation of Sharia law in Qatar governs various societal aspects, e.g., inheritance, family, and different criminal legislations. Sharia law also applies the principle of one’s innocence until proven guilty. Nonetheless, the Islamic System of Law defines various crime penalties e.g., Islam rejection or desertion, homosexuality, adultery, and murder.

There are various Sharia Courts in Qatar e.g., Petty, Grand, and Presidium Sharia Courts.  Petty Sharia Courts are the first and second courts.  The Grand Sharia Court takes appeals from the Petty and Presidium Courts. Sharia Law does not exempt non-Qataris from the land’s laws[38]. Every person in Qatar is expected to follow the laws to avoid being questioned, arrested, or making statements. All court testimonies in Qatar are translated into Arabic. Whipping in Qatar is accepted as a punishment form and is recognized by the Sharia Law. Flogging is used to punish crimes e.g., alcohol consumption or illicit sexual relations. For instance, Sharia law recommends 100 whips for adulterous persons. However, the punishment is more severe if adultery is committed between as Muslim and a non-Muslim, sometimes punishable by death.

2.4.5.      Qatar’s Family Law

In 2006, Qatar passed the first codified family law[39]. The law has significantly improved the sense of security of women as well as personal freedoms’ enjoyment. The family law also enabled women to have an independent life and able to make their own decisions in their lives. Before the codified family law, personal status cases involving divorce, marriage, child custody, and inheritance were ruled based on Islamic Sharia principles. The ruling was characterized by a process that was frequently random and detrimental to the rights of women. Despite the new law improving the old legislation systems, inequality is still a barrier for women as compared to men. There also exists a Supreme Council for Family Affairs (SCFA), currently classified as Qatar Social Work, launched a government body that will support and protect women. Qatar Social Work officially acknowledged the societal issue of violence against Qatari women. The body initiated debates and dialogues on issues of women’s violence, which were considered a taboo in the past.

2.4.6.      Participation of Women in the Labor Force

Women in Qatar are generally under-represented in the labor force because of the social and cultural norms[40]. However, there is diversification of traditional women’s roles in the family as more females enter the labor force. Generally, there has been a rise in the involvement of females in Qatar’s workforce recently because of increased women graduates[41]. There was an increase in the involvement of Qatari and non-Qatari women in the workforce from 10% in 1996 to 15% in 2004. Additionally, there was increased involvement of Qatari women in the labor market from 8% to 30% during the same period. There is also increased literacy in women because of the provision of free education up to secondary school level. However, the right of women to choose their profession is limited, both socially and legally. Women are generally allowed to work in fields that offer acceptable female roles in society. Most women are employed in the education, healthcare of clerical sectors. There is a limitation of women’s participation in the private sector jobs as very few of them hold executive positions in the industry[42]. Nonetheless, the government of Qatar has established a forum for encouraging women leadership in the private industry known as the Business Women Forum.

2.4.7.      Women’s Political Rights

Provisions within the new Qatar’s constitution promises more women roles in the parliament[43]. There is a general limitation of political rights for all Qataris with under-representation of women at different government levels. The central municipal council has only one woman elected by the citizens. The commission is part of an advisory body for the civil affairs ministry. There is also a limitation of freedom of expression, assembly, and press in Qatar. However, there is an increased number of women employed as press and media officials as compared to the past. Men in Qatar continue to hold dominant positions in the government as compared to women in the society. The equality of women in society is greatly influenced by all of Qatari’s political rights. Therefore, improvement of the society’s political rights may address the cultural biases that enhance the prevention of women representation in government posts[44].

2.4.8.      Efforts of Qatar to Empower Women

Data from the European parliament in 2014 reveal some elements of women empowerment in Qatar. Qatar’s women empowerment features improved education, social life, decision making, and employment levels for females[45]. Women have been much involved in Qatar’s electoral politics since 1996. In 2007, three women were among the 118 candidates who participated in the Central Municipal Council (CMC) elections, where one woman was elected. Nonetheless, CMC is based on a very restricted electorate and lacks powers to influence policy. Currently, there are no women seating in the CMC. Recently, women have been considered for ministerial positions like Hessa Al Jaber, who is Qatar’s Minister for Information Technology. Hessa Al Jaber is the third female minister appointed in the history of Qatar. There has been a general increase in the employment of women in the departments of government. However, the number of females employed does not represent the population ratio as the most powerful positions are occupied by men. Women in Qatar are substantially excluded from top security positions appointments, e.g., Police Commissioners.

2.5.   International Human Rights and Violence against Women

2.5.1.      Role of International Human Rights Activists

A recent study conducted by the World Health Organization reveals that communities that condemn women’s violence have lower cases of abuse. Communities that provide support and protection for victims also have fewer cases of violence against women[46]. Globally, activists of women’s rights are at the forefront of exposing violence against women. The activists also voice the victims’ concerns, provide innovative support forms, and pressurize local communities in the realization of the need to protect women. The activists also influence the international community and hold the perpetrators of women’s violence accountable[47]. Human Rights activists have also illustrated that organization to fight violence against women makes a practical difference in the society. Amnesty International launched a campaign to mobilize its members globally to make efforts to stop violence against women.

2.5.2.      Raising Awareness

Human rights frameworks identify the fight against women’s violence as a public responsibility that requires a social and legal address[48]. Activists also appeal that women’s violence, regardless of cultural context, is an illegal practice, and no person has the right to violate a woman’s body[49]Women organizations across the globe condemn “femicide,” where females’ murder is used as a tool for controlling women’s sexuality and punishment for not following the social norms[50]. UN agencies, international organizations, regional networks, and community-based initiatives engage in raising awareness against women’s violence. Raising awareness involves educating women about their rights and community mobilization to stop females’ assault[51]. Raising awareness also involves teaching men that women’s violence is a violation of human rights and a crime.

2.5.3.      Civil Sanctions and International Agencies

Activists of women’s rights in various countries have engaged in the promotion of civil sanctions’ forms and criminal penalties in fighting and redressing women’s violence. Civil sanctions may include fines, protection orders, and removal from the home. Change against women’s violence must be experienced at the local, national, and international levels[52]. Change must be brought about by private actors, governments, individuals, and institutions. Countries must respect international treaties, abolish or adopt laws, and establish support systems for survivors. Additionally, states must work on changing prejudices, attitudes, and social norms that encourage and strengthen violence against women. Amnesty International investigates and exposes women’s violent acts[53]. Amnesty International also demands acknowledgment of public condemnation and redressing of the violations against women.

Moreover, Amnesty International calls on organizations, world leaders and individuals to promise in ensuring the Universal Declaration of Human Rights practical for all women globally[54]. Also, the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) requires all governments to take measures in ensuring the protection of women[55]. The Optional Protocol adoption to CEDAW strengthens the fight against women’s violence. Optional Protocol allows for women to directly seek the intervention of international level for violations of their rights after exhausting the domestic measures.

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[1] the World Health Organization. Preventing violence against women: a framework for policymakers. No. WHO/RHR/18.19. World Health Organization, 2019.

[2] Douki S, Nacef F, Belhadj A, Bouasker A, Ghachem R. Violence against women in Arab and Islamic countries. Arch Women’s Ment Health. 2003;6(3):165–71.

[3] Fageeh WMK. Factors associated with domestic violence: a cross-sectional survey among women in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. BMJ Open. 2014;4:e004242

[4] Kaltham Al-Ghanim, The Hierarchy Of Authority Based On Kinship, Age, And Gender In The Extended Family In The Arab Gulf States.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Rania Maktabi, Gender, Family Law, and Citizenship in Syria, 14 CITIZENSHIP STUD. 557 (2010)

[8] Tasneem Obeid, Mahmoud T. Al Ali, Najib Al Khaja & Hanan A. Hamamy, Consanguinity, and Reproductive Health among Arabs, 6 REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH 17 (Oct. 2009).

[9], Arshia U. Zaidi & Muhammad Shuraydi, Perceptions of Arranged Marriages by Young Pakistani Muslim Women Living in a Western Society, 33 J. COMP. FAM. STUD. 495

(2002).

[10] Ahmed Abu Zeid, ALBENA ALAJTMAEE, MUGAHDMA LEE DERAST ALMJTAMA [THE SOCIAL

STRUCTURE: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF SOCIETY] 404, pt. 2: Social Systems (3d

ed., 1979).

[11] SAMIR AL ABDALI, THAQAFT ALDOMGRATIA FEE ALHAYAT ALSYASIA AND ALGBAL ALYAMANIA [CULTURE

OF DEMOCRACY IN THE POLITICAL LIFE OF THE TRIBES OF YEMEN] 66–68 (2007).

[12] World Economic Forum. The global gender gap report 2017. Geneva: World Economic Forum; 2017.

[13]. El Feki S, Heilman B. Barker G (eds.): understanding masculinities: results from the international men and gender equality survey (IMAGES) – the Middle East and North Africa. Cairo and Washington, D.C: UN Women and Promundo-US; 2017.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] WHO, LSHTM. MRC: global and regional estimates of violence against women: prevalence and health effects of intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual abuse. Geneva: World Health Organization (WHO), Department of Reproductive Health and Research, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (LSHTM), South African Medical Research Council (MRC); 2013.

[17] Ellsberg M, Heise L. Researching violence against women: a practical guide for researchers and activists. Geneva: World Health Organization and Program for Appropriate Technology in Health (PATH); 2005. 257 p

[18] Women UN. Violence against Women: what is at stake? Status of Arab Women reports in 2017. United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia: Beirut; 2017.

[19] Obermeyer CM, Bott S, Sassine AJ. Arab adolescents: health, gender, and social context. J Adolesc Health. 2015;57(3):252–62.

[20] UN. Transforming our world: the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. Resolution adopted by the United Nations general assembly on 25 September 2015. New York: United Nations; 2015.

[21] UN Women. Global database on violence against women. New York: UN Women. n.d.

[22] Ibid.

[23] WHO. Putting women first: Ethical and safety recommendations for research on domestic violence against women. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2013.

[24] Ibid.

[25] UNIFEM: Violence against Women study, Syria 2005. UNIFEM and the Syrian Commission for Family Affairs, n.d.

[26] Diop-Sidibe N, Campbell JC, Becker S. Domestic violence against women in Egypt–wife-beating and health outcomes. Soc Sci Med. 2006;62(5):1260–77.

[27] Jeyaseelan L, Sadowski LS, Kumar S, Hassan F, Ramiro L, Vizcarra B. World studies of abuse in the family environment–risk factors for physical intimate partner violence. Inj Control Saf Promot. 2004;11(2):117–24.

[28] Krystyna Urbisz Golkowska, Arab Women In The Gulf And The Narrative Of Change: The Case Of Qatar

[29] Ibid.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Ward, Jeanne, and Mendy Marsh. 2006. ‘Sexual Violence against Women and Girls in War and Its Aftermath: Realities, Responses, and Required Resources.’ presented at the Symposium on Sexual Violence in Conflict and Beyond, Brussels.

[32] Jansen HAFM, Watts C, Ellsberg M, Heise L, García-Moreno C. Interviewer

training in the WHO multi-country study on Women’s health and domestic violence. Violence Against Women. 2004;10(7):831–49.

[33] Al-Sayed, Hassan. “Qatar’s Constitutional and Legal System.” In Policy-Making in a Transformative State, pp. 37-63. Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2016.

[35] Stork, Joe, and Nicholas McGeehan. “Qatar’s human rights record.” Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (2013).

[36] Hassanein, Ahmed Samir. “The Impact of Islamic Criminal Law on the Qatari Penal Code.” Arab Law Quarterly 32, no. 1 (2018): 60-79.

[37] Al-shamari, Khalid Saleh. “The Influence of Criminal Mens Rea on Criminal Justice: A Comparative Study of Qatar’s Penal Code and the Model Penal Code in the United States.” (2017).

[38]. Gardner, Andrew M., Silvia Pessoa, and Laura M. Harkness. “Labour migrants and access to justice in contemporary Qatar.” (2014).

[39] Hamzeh, A. Nizar. “Qatar: The duality of the legal system.” Middle Eastern Studies 30, no. 1 (1994): 79-90.

[40] Muhannadi, Hessa Saad Al. “The role of Qatari women. (c2011).” Ph.D. diss., 2011.

[41] Jakobsen, Maria. “Social effects of the educational revolution in Qatar: A gender perspective.” Master’s thesis, The University of Bergen, 2010.

[42] LARI, NOORA. “GENDER AND EQUALITY IN THE WORKPLACE–A STUDY OF QATARI WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP POSITIONS.” Ph.D. diss., Durham University, 2016.

[43] Kelly, Sanja. “Recent gains and new opportunities for women’s rights in the Gulf Arab states.” Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa: Gulf Edition (2009): 1-8.

[44] Al-Attiyah, Asma, and Ramzi Nasser. “Qatari women’s perceived rights in light of the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women.” The Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (2014): 91-97.

[45] Golkowska, Krystyna Urbisz. “Arab women in the Gulf and the narrative of change: The case of Qatar.” International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 16, no. 1 (2014): 51-64.

[46] VicHealth. 2014. ‘2013 National Community Attitudes towards Violence Against Women Survey’. Melbourne: Victorian Health Promotion Foundation

[47] The Lancet. 2014. ‘The Lancet Special Series on Violence against Women and Girls.’ 2014. https://www.thelancet.com/series/violence-against-women-and-girls.

[48], Victoria State Government. n.d. ‘Free from Violence: Victoria’s Strategy to Prevent Family Violence and All Forms of Violence against Women.’ Melbourne: Victorian State Government.

[49] Van Der Heijden, Ingrid, and Kristin Dunkle. 2017. ‘What Works Evidence Review: Preventing Violence against Women and Girls with Disabilities in Lower- and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs).’ Pretoria: South African Medical Research Council.

[50]. Cynthia Rothschild with Scott Long, Written Out: How sexuality is used to attack women’s organizing, International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission and the Center for Women’s Global Leadership, 2000, p. 28.

[51] Heise, L., Ellsberg, M., and Gottemoeller, M. Ending Violence against Women. Population Reports, Series L, No. 11. Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health, December 1999.

[52] State of Human Rights in 2002, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, pages 246-247.

[53] Mathews, Shanaaz, and Chandré Gould. “Preventing violence: From evidence to implementation.” ChildGauge 2017 (2017).

[54] Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, UN Doc. E/CN.4/1997/47, 12 February 1997, para.8.

[55] CEDAW, General Recommendation No. 19, 1992, UN Doc. A/47/38, para. 6.